Les ouvriers de l'industrie, largement étudiés par la sociologie puis peu à peu délaissés au profit d'autres catégories du salariat, méritent pourtant qu'on porte à nouveau le regard sur eux. D'une part parce que les transformations du monde industriel et les récurrentes fermetures d'usine impactent les manières d'être au travail. D'autre part, parce qu'ils ont longtemps été observés dans des bastions industriels. Or la communauté d'agglomération poitevine présente la spécificité d'être largement sous-industrialisée. La singularité des ouvriers poitevins mérite d'être interrogée, sous l'angle de l'appréciation du travail et sur le plan de l'action collective. La recherche a porté sur quatre usines localement implantées : Michelin, Sagem, Saft, Schneider Electric. L'usine étant à la fois lieu de travail et de socialisation, elle modèle et façonne les manières d'être et de faire de ses ouvriers de sorte qu'être ouvrier chez Michelin, ce n'est pas tout à fait la même chose que d'être ouvrier chez Schneider, à la Saft ou à la Sagem. A cette première ligne de partage s'en ajoutent d'autres : affaiblissement des collectifs à l'aune des transformations de l'organisation du travail, clivages générationnels, appréhensions différenciées du travail et de l'emploi. L'érosion des collectifs a pour conséquence de rendre improbables les mobilisations. Pourtant, elles émergent çà et là, prenant des formes différentes selon les contextes. Tout porte ainsi à croire que le contexte grandissant de précarisation peut contre toute attente faire renaître les mobilisations salariales à l'aune de configurations spécifiques. L'ouvrier poitevin est-il un ouvrier contestataire ou un salarié ordinaire ? / The industrial workers - widely studied by sociology then gradually abandoned in favor of other categories of wage labor - deserve that we look at them again. On the one hand because the transformations of the industrial world and recurrent factory closings have an impact on the ways of being at work. On the other hand, because they have long been observed in industrial bastions. But the Poitiers conurbation has the specificity to be largely under- industrialized. The singularity of Poitiers workers deserves to be raised in terms of the appreciation of the work and in terms of collective action. The research focused on four factories locally based : Michelin, Sagem, Saft, Schneider Electric. The factory is a workplace which plays a part in socialization, she build ways of being and doing of his workers so being a worker at Michelin is not quite the same as to be a worker at Schneider, the Saft or Sagem. here are other dividing lines : weakening collective in terms of changes in the organization of work, generational cleavages, differentiated labor and employment concerns. The erosion of collective has the effect of making mobilizations improbable. Yet they emerge here and there, taking different forms in different contexts. And it really seems that the growing context of insecurity can against all expectations revive mobilizations in specific configurations. Is the worker of Poitiers a protest worker or an ordinary employee ?

Nesta dissertação, interpreta-se as causas e as consequências do processo de concentração da renda e da riqueza nos Estados Unidos da América a partir da teoria de Karl Marx. Defende-se, que a “Lei Geral da Acumulação Capitalista”, onde culmina a construção teórica de Marx do livro primeiro d’O Capital, é consistente para explicar a evolução histórica da situação da classe trabalhadora sob as relações sociais de produção capitalistas. Para isso, desenvolve-se a análise teórica essencialmente sobre as obras de Marx - d’O Capital e dos Grundrisse-, e o país que melhor exemplifica a análise teórica de Marx, é os Estados Unidos da América - a maior nação capitalista do mundo. Para tanto, são apresentados dados acerca da concentração da renda e da riqueza, da evolução das taxas de pobreza, discorre-se sobre o movimento trabalhista, sobre a legislação trabalhista e sobre os sindicatos. Apresenta-se o panorama histórico dos Estados Unidos, entre a construção do New Deal e a restauração conservadora sobre o invólucro “neoliberal”. / In this dissertation, interprets the causes and consequences of the process of concentration of income and wealth in the United States with Karl Marx's theory. It is argued that the "General Law of Capitalist Accumulation", which culminates the theoretical construction of Marx's first book of Capital, is consistent to explain the historical developments of the working class in the social relations of capitalist production. It develops the theoretical analysis primarily on the works of Marx - of Capital and Grundrisses-, and the country that best exemplifies the theoretical analysis of Marx is the United States - the largest capitalist nation in the world. For this purpose, data are presented about the concentration of income and wealth, changes in poverty rates, it talks about the labor movement on the labor legislation and on trade unions. It presents the historical background of the United States, including the construction of the New Deal and the conservative’s restoration under the "neoliberal"’s casing.

Este trabalho analisa as relações de solidariedade e conflito no processo de formação da classe operária no Rio Grande do Sul no final do século XIX e início do XX. Parte-se do pressuposto que a classe se forma nas relações travadas com a burguesia, mas também naquelas relações que se estabelecem entre seus próprios membros, as quais nem sempre são de união e cooperação. Preocupou-se em analisar estas relações de solidariedade e conflito em diversos espaços e situações da vida operária: as relações entre trabalhadores homens e mulheres, a instrução operária, as entidades associativas, a exploração fabril, as greves entre outros. Procurou-se demonstrar que o processo de formação da classe foi baseado em critérios como de gênero, etnia, ideologia e que estes interferiram diretamente no modo de vida e de luta destes trabalhadores operários. / This study analyses the solidarity and conflict relations on the making of working-class in Rio Grande do Sul at the end of ninetieth century and the beginning of twentieth century. We believe that as far as the struggle class is responsible for the making of working-class are also the relations between the workers. But we also know that in some cases those relations aren’t of cooperation and union. Our goal is to understand those relations in some spaces and situations of working-class life: the relations between men and women workers, worker education, the associations they founded, the factory exploration, the strikes, etc. We tried to demonstrate that the making of working-class was built-up in aspects like gender, ethnical and ideological elements that directly interfered in the way of life and struggle of these workers.

La thèse se positionne au croisement de la problématique de la publicisation des problèmes sociaux et de celle de la transformation des engagements militants. La recherche entend expliquer, par une double approche locale et internationale, l’essor de la participation associative depuis les années 1970 dans les quartiers populaires urbains situés en périphérie de Paris et de Buenos Aires. La première partie est consacrée à l’analyse des théories politiques du fait associatif et à leur insertion au sein d’une sociologie empirique de la participation associative. La généalogie de la notion de société civile est mise en relation avec l’avènement de la démocratie moderne afin d’inscrire l’essor associatif des dernières décennies dans une perspective historique de longue portée. Notre approche de la participation associative est ensuite explicitée en référence à trois grandes thématiques du fait associatif : le tiers secteur, le capital social et l’engagement militant.La deuxième partie articule la participation associative avec les transformations socio-économiques des classes populaires et le développement des politiques sociales territorialisées. L’analyse d’une association dans le territoire français illustre d’abord les possibilités offertes par la désagrégation du système politique communiste des « banlieues rouges » et l’intervention croissante de l’État dans les quartiers populaires au travers de la politique de la ville. L’étude de l’activité et du fonctionnement de cette association, des années 1980 aux années 2000, met en lumière à la fois la capacité des acteurs à s’auto-organiser en référence à un problème public local et les tensions générées par la relation partenariale avec les pouvoirs publics. En Argentine, les conséquences de la fragilisation de la société salariale sur les formes de sociabilités populaires dans la périphérie urbaine de Buenos Aires sont analysées au travers d’une association qui s’inscrit dans le prolongement du mouvement social des travailleurs au chômage (piqueteros). Le rôle d’intermédiaire des politiques sociales joué par cette association permet de questionner les liens qui unissent ces organisations populaires aux pouvoirs publics et le possible redéploiement des réseaux politiques clientélaires du péronisme.La troisième partie s’attache à analyser la participation associative en relation avec les évolutions des principaux partis politiques des classes populaires et les changements intervenus dans les configurations politiques locales. Dans le cas français, les phénomènes de désengagement communiste et de désarticulation des « organisations satellites » du parti sont intégrés à l’analyse d’une association regroupant d’anciens militants communistes. Les trajectoires de ces militants et le fonctionnement de cette association permettent de cerner les raisons d’un changement dans les formes d’engagement et de s’interroger sur le processus d’autonomisation des associations locales à l’égard des systèmes politiques. Dans le cas argentin, la recomposition des liens entre le parti justicialiste et les classes populaires est questionnée au travers de l’analyse d’une association fondée par des militants péronistes dans le contexte d’un discrédit des institutions politiques. L’adaptation de ces militants politiques à la forme associative illustre les changements dans les modalités d’engagement et permet une réflexion sur la proximité entre les associations locales et les partis politiques. / This thesis is situated at the intersection of two historical phenomena: the publicization of social problems and the transformation of activist commitment. The research undertaken has sought to explain, through an approach that is both local and international in scope, the rise of grassroots volunteering since the 1970s in working-class urban neighborhoods on the periphery of Paris and Buenos Aires. The first part presents an analysis of the various political theories which relate to the voluntary movement, and discusses their place within an empirical sociological study of grassroots volunteering. The intellectual genealogy of the notion of civil society is considered in relation to the appearance of modern democracy, in order to situate the rise of volunteerism in recent decades within a larger historical perspective. Attention is given to the emergence of three characteristic themes: the third sector, social capital, and activism. The second part relates volunteerism to socio-economic transformations within the working class and to the development of social policy at the local community level. The study of grassroots organization in France reveals the importance of possibilities created by the breakdown of the communist political system in certain Paris suburbs (banlieues rouges) along with increased state intervention in working-class neighborhoods through urban policy initiatives. An analysis of the activities and the workings of the grassroots organizations which appeared in these neighborhoods between the 1980s and the 2000s, reveals that these organizations had the capacity to self-organize for the purpose of addressing public problems at a local level, and that tensions resulted from partnership arrangements with local public authorities. In Argentina, consequences of the labor society’s weakening in terms of working-class social solidarity in neighborhoods on the outskirts of Buenos Aires are analyzed through the prism of grassroots organizations operating in the wake of social movements among unemployed workers (piqueteros). The grassroots organization’s role as an intermediary for social policy raises questions concerning the link between these popular movements and public authorities, and the possible redeployment of Peronist corporatism. The third part relates volunteer participation to historical transformations within the principal working-class political parties and to the changes observed in the local political landscape. In France, popular withdrawal from communism and the disassociation of the Party’s former “satellite organizations” are considered through an analysis of a grassroots organization composed primarily of former communist partisans. Their personal trajectories as activists, as well as the workings of their organization, reveal the causes of a change in the operative forms of political commitment and give rise to questions concerning the processes by which these local organizations are made autonomous of political systems. In Argentina, new links emerging between the Justicialist party and the working class are considered through the study of an organization founded by Peronist partisans in a context where political institutions are represented as lacking legitimacy. The adaptation of these political activists to grassroots volunteerism is likewise indicative of changes in the operative forms of political commitment and gives rise to questions concerning the proximity between grassroots organizations and political parties.

Agriculture plays a significant role in South Africa’s export earning and in providing employment opportunities. Amongst the major agricultural crops is citrus. Within the context of postmodern and feminist geographies and utilizing the intensive research design, this thesis discusses citrus production with a focus on growers and black women workers in the Kat River Valley area in Fort Beaufort, Eastern Cape. The thesis also explores the challenges and implications of restructuring within agriculture for growers, cooperatives and labour within the citrus industry. It is argued that whilst legislation related to labour and tenure within agriculture has changed since the mid-1990s, power relations in the citrus industry have remained firmly entrenched. Consequently, the flexible labour strategies that the citrus farmers adopted have had serious consequences for women worker

A tese mostra as trajetórias e a presença (in)tensa de estudantes, docentes e gestores que entrecruzaram e en(tre)laçaram suas vidas no Programa Conexões de Saberes da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul – UFRGS, no período de 2005 a 2009. Invoca e provoca uma reflexão sobre as disposições éticas, estéticas e afetuais que se manifestaram nas ações e no estar-junto, nas narrativas e testemunhos das vidas daqueles que fizeram e configuraram o referido Programa. Põe em evidência as formas que teceram e sustentaram, (des)mobilizaram e (des)potencializaram, deram vigor e vitalismo à sua realização. Através da escuta dos testemunhos de vida de estudantes, de professores, de gestores, a pesquisa expõe a disposição do seu autor em ser e estar escutador da vida em suas múltiplas relações e em seus destinos entre-cruzados. Para tanto, utiliza-se de procedimentos metodológicos tais como memoriais, testemunhos de vida, entrevistas individuais e coletivas (grupo focal), compilação e análise de documentos, um diário de reflexões e outros registros. O estudo se configura e se ampara em um modo de fazer pesquisa que se permite surpreender com o dado mundano, com a trajetória que se mostra, com a vida que é; próprio de uma razão aberta e sensível, de uma Sociologia compreensiva, acariciante e do formismo de Michel Maffesoli, bem como da Forma e da Sociologia das formas sociais de Georg Simmel. As trajetórias de vida são entrelaçadas a partir dos traços e marcas familiares e escolares, das relações trabalho-estudo, do engajamento comunitário, da escolha do curso, do Concurso Vestibular, do ingresso no Ensino Superior, do viver na Universidade. A reflexão privilegia (1) os processos de identificação e as éticas manifestas nos testemunhos, nas narrativas e no estar-junto; (2) as (in)tensas relações vivenciadas pelos atores que produziram o Conexões ; (3) ambos caracterizados pelo conflito como uma forma de sociação (Simmel) e transfigurados pela potência do político, do educativo, do ético, do estético, do afetual. / The thesis shows the trajectories and the (in)tense reality of students, teachers and administrators who crisscrossed, enlaced and intertwined their lives in the Knowledge Connections Program of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul - UFRGS, in the period 2005 to 2009. It invokes and provokes a reflection on the ethical, aesthetic and affective provisions manifested in the actions and in the togetherness, the narrations and the testimonies of the lives of those who made and shaped this Program. It highlights the ways that have provided and maintained, (dis)potentialized and (un)worsened and given vigor and vitality to its realization. By listening to the testimonies of the life of students, teachers, administrators, this work exposes the disposition of its author to be listening in on life in its multiple relationships and its inter-laced destinations. To this end, it employs methodological procedures such as memorials, testimonies of life, individual and group interviews (focus group), compilation and analysis of documents, a diary of reflections and other records. The study is configured and focused on a way to do research that permits to be surprised by the mundane, with the trajectory that is shown, with life as it is; as pertains to an open and sensitive reason, to a sociology that is understanding and tender as shaped by Michel Maffesoli, and to Form and Sociology of social forms by Georg Simmel. The paths of life are intertwined beginning from the traces and marks of family and school, of the relations of work and study, community engagement, the choice of courses, the University entrance exam, the entry into higher education, living in the University. The discussion focuses on (1) identification processes and ethics evident in the testimonies, narrations and togetherness, (2) the (in)tense relations lived by the actors who produced the “Connections”, (3) both characterized by conflict as a form of sociation (Vergellschaftung) (Simmel) and transfigured by the power of politics, education, ethics, aestheticism, affectation.

Este trabalho analisa as relações de solidariedade e conflito no processo de formação da classe operária no Rio Grande do Sul no final do século XIX e início do XX. Parte-se do pressuposto que a classe se forma nas relações travadas com a burguesia, mas também naquelas relações que se estabelecem entre seus próprios membros, as quais nem sempre são de união e cooperação. Preocupou-se em analisar estas relações de solidariedade e conflito em diversos espaços e situações da vida operária: as relações entre trabalhadores homens e mulheres, a instrução operária, as entidades associativas, a exploração fabril, as greves entre outros. Procurou-se demonstrar que o processo de formação da classe foi baseado em critérios como de gênero, etnia, ideologia e que estes interferiram diretamente no modo de vida e de luta destes trabalhadores operários. / This study analyses the solidarity and conflict relations on the making of working-class in Rio Grande do Sul at the end of ninetieth century and the beginning of twentieth century. We believe that as far as the struggle class is responsible for the making of working-class are also the relations between the workers. But we also know that in some cases those relations aren’t of cooperation and union. Our goal is to understand those relations in some spaces and situations of working-class life: the relations between men and women workers, worker education, the associations they founded, the factory exploration, the strikes, etc. We tried to demonstrate that the making of working-class was built-up in aspects like gender, ethnical and ideological elements that directly interfered in the way of life and struggle of these workers.

ARAÚJO, Jormana Maria Pereira. Tecendo memórias: resistência e luta das operárias da fábrica Santa Cecília (Fortaleza, 1998-1993). 2013. 239f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2013. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-11T12:13:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-JMPARAUJO.pdf: 3204652 bytes, checksum: 9fe049da16a59f1b822c2fee2fcfae7a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-11T13:20:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-JMPARAUJO.pdf: 3204652 bytes, checksum: 9fe049da16a59f1b822c2fee2fcfae7a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-11T13:20:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-JMPARAUJO.pdf: 3204652 bytes, checksum: 9fe049da16a59f1b822c2fee2fcfae7a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / This study examines the experience of women textile workers in the Santa Cecilia factory in the city of Fortaleza (Ceara, Brazil) between 1988-1993 and how issues of migration, domestic work and urban life shaped thier experience as workers. Drawing on thier memories I explore the muliple demensions of the female world of work based on notions of trust and solidarity within a broader structure of social segregation experienced within the working class communities and the city, where they lived and worked. Their experience, shaped by high levels of employment in the textile industry spurred by the transfer of large sectors of the textile industry to Ceara. Specifically factory life at Santa Cecilia was shaped by harsh working conditions, the deadening routine and ever demanding productive process which in turn caused large scale illness and mutilation among women workers. Focusing on the harsh working condition this study explores the processes of resistence and the struggles for basic rights within the larger context of expanding trade union activity and the incorporation of specific female demands and political activity in daily life. Methodolgically, this study is based on the social history of labor and intertwines a variety of sources, such as interviews, photographs, labor union, and legal documents, proccedings from UNITEXTIL, data bases, census data from IBGE and academic studies. / O ponto de partida desta investigação é a experiência das operárias têxteis da fábrica Santa Cecília na cidade de Fortaleza, entre os anos de 1988 e 1993, observando os nexos da migração, do emprego doméstico e da vida na cidade. Através de suas memórias, analiso de modo articulado, as dimensões do mundo do trabalho feminino examinando a cultura operária baseada em laços de confiança e de solidariedade em meio à segregação social vivida na cidade, no bairro e nas vilas operárias onde moravam e trabalhavam. Num contexto de elevado recrutamento de mão-de-obra feminina na indústria, e de transferência industrial têxtil para o Ceará, destaca-se na fábrica Santa Cecília as péssimas condições de trabalho, a rotina, os ritmos e as normas, o adoecimento e a mutilação dos corpos operários. Face ao duro cotidiano dessa experiência fabril, este estudo também examina os processos de resistência e luta por direitos face à conjuntura de construção de um novo vocabulário de educação sindical quando da incorporação das demandas femininas e politização do cotidiano. Metodologicamente fundamentado na História Social do Trabalho, este estudo congrega variada tipologia de fontes: entrevistas, fotografias, documentos sindicais, leis, processos, jornais, atas de assembleia do Grupo UNITÊXTIL, anuários, cadastros e recenseamento industrial, dados do IBGE, estudos monográficos, dentre outros.

Nesta dissertação, interpreta-se as causas e as consequências do processo de concentração da renda e da riqueza nos Estados Unidos da América a partir da teoria de Karl Marx. Defende-se, que a “Lei Geral da Acumulação Capitalista”, onde culmina a construção teórica de Marx do livro primeiro d’O Capital, é consistente para explicar a evolução histórica da situação da classe trabalhadora sob as relações sociais de produção capitalistas. Para isso, desenvolve-se a análise teórica essencialmente sobre as obras de Marx - d’O Capital e dos Grundrisse-, e o país que melhor exemplifica a análise teórica de Marx, é os Estados Unidos da América - a maior nação capitalista do mundo. Para tanto, são apresentados dados acerca da concentração da renda e da riqueza, da evolução das taxas de pobreza, discorre-se sobre o movimento trabalhista, sobre a legislação trabalhista e sobre os sindicatos. Apresenta-se o panorama histórico dos Estados Unidos, entre a construção do New Deal e a restauração conservadora sobre o invólucro “neoliberal”. / In this dissertation, interprets the causes and consequences of the process of concentration of income and wealth in the United States with Karl Marx's theory. It is argued that the "General Law of Capitalist Accumulation", which culminates the theoretical construction of Marx's first book of Capital, is consistent to explain the historical developments of the working class in the social relations of capitalist production. It develops the theoretical analysis primarily on the works of Marx - of Capital and Grundrisses-, and the country that best exemplifies the theoretical analysis of Marx is the United States - the largest capitalist nation in the world. For this purpose, data are presented about the concentration of income and wealth, changes in poverty rates, it talks about the labor movement on the labor legislation and on trade unions. It presents the historical background of the United States, including the construction of the New Deal and the conservative’s restoration under the "neoliberal"’s casing.

La thèse examine la relation entre le mouvement ouvrier français et le cinéma au début du XXe siècle, plus précisément de 1895 à 1914. Elle s’articule autour de l’expérience spécifique de la coopérative Cinéma du Peuple, qui a duré d’octobre 1913 à juillet 1914. La coopérative Cinéma du Peuple participa à l’adhésion d’une partie des militants aux ressources du cinéma, sensible à partir de 1909, date à laquelle le processus d’industrialisation du film en France était déjà très avancé. Transmise au-delà de 1914, l’expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, première tentative ouvrière organisée d’appropriation du cinéma, a posé les fondements d’un nouveau terrain d’intervention en vue d’une hégémonie dans le champ culturel prolongée jusqu’à nos jours. L’hypothèse est que le public – catégorie d’analyse dans une échelle alternative de celle de masse, ou de spectateur – a montré, avec l’expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, qu’il n’est pas, par nature et de façon irrévocable, prisonnier des films commerciaux et des intérêts des distributeurs. À partir des notions de répertoire d’action, et de l’expérience de la domination idéologique par le cinéma commercial, nous nous efforçons de cerner les contours de ce public, pour partie confondu avec celui du mouvement ouvrier, notamment au moyen des trajectoires collectives et individuelles des initiateurs, propagandistes du Cinéma du Peuple et de ses spectateurs. En même temps, nous nous proposons de montrer à partir de l’analyse des films du Cinéma du Peuple le début de la formation d’un nouveau mode de représentation du monde ouvrier. / A tese examina a relação entre o movimento operário francês e o cinema no período de 1895 a 1914. Concentra-se na experiência da cooperativa Cinema do Povo que, tendo surgido em uma franca aproximação dos militantes com o cinema desde 1909, quando o processo industrialização do cinema na França já estava avançado, durou de outubro de 1913 a julho 1914. Transmitida para além de 1914, a experiência do Cinema do Povo, primeira tentativa organizada da classe trabalhadora de apropriação do cinema, lançou as bases de uma nova forma de intervenção frente à hegemonia do cinema comercial que se estende até os dias atuais. A hipótese é que o público – categoria de análise em escala alternativa à massa ou espectador – mostrou, com a experiência do Cinema do Povo, que não é de forma natural e irrevogável prisioneiro dos filmes comerciais e dos interesses dos distribuidores. A partir dos conceitos de repertório de ação, e a ideia de experiência da dominação ideológica do cinema comercial, nos esforçamos em identificar os contornos desse público que se identifica no movimento operário, principalmente por meio das trajetórias coletivas e individuais dos militantes. Ao mesmo tempo, temos a intenção de apresentar, a partir da análise dos filmes do Cinema do Povo, o início da formação de um novo modo de representação da classe trabalhadora. / The thesis examines the relationship between the French working class movement and the cinema at the beginning of the 20th century, specifically from 1895 to 1914. It focuses on the specific experience of the cooperative Cinéma du Peuple, which lasted from October 1913 to July 1914. The cooperative Cinéma du Peuple took part of militant cinema in France, wich was barely begun from 1909 on when the industrialization process of the film in France was already advanced. Transmitted beyond 1914, the experience of the Cinéma du Peuple, first working class movement organized attempt to film appropriation, laid the foundations of a new ground of intervention in a prolonged hegemony in the cultural field until the present days. The assumption is that the public – a category of analysis in an alternative scale than mass or spectator – showed, with the experience of Cinéma du Peuple, that it is not by nature and so irrevocable way a prisoner of the commercial films and the interests of distributors. From the concepts of repertoire of contention, and the experience of the ideological domination of commercial cinema, we strive to identify the contours of that public, partly coincident with the working class movement, mostly through collective and individual militants’ trajectories, propagandists of the Cinéma du Peuple and its public. At the same time, we intend to bring from the analysis of the Cinéma du Peuple’s films the beginning of the formation of a new mode of representation of the working class.