No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1997.

In many respects a gold mine could be viewed as South African society in microcosm, for it hes many of the same structures and features of its macro-society. In most societies it would be inappropriate to regard an industrial setting as the microcosm of the larger society as, in most societies, people are hardly aware of authority or of the legal system. The principal source of contact with such systems for most people would be of an irritant kind, associated with parking and traffic misdemeanours. This does not apply to the black person in South Africa, where freedom of movement, place of residence,position at work, use of public facilities, etc. are severely circumscribed. In fact, it is not unusual for black persons to be accosted by the police from time to time to determine whether they are permitted to be where they are, or to be removed from premises by white officials. Moreover, most white persons abrogate unto themselves the right to give instructions to any black person, a situation not unfamiliar on a mine. In the South African macro-society and the mine micro-society the top echelon of jobs, the best living conditions, salaries, hours of work, conditions of employment, opportunities for advancement and other privileges are reserved for whites, and blacks have no authority to effect changes to these conditions. It is postulated that change in South Africa for blacks is likely to take a form similar to change on a mine. Consequently, by studying change to the quality of life of black workers on a mine, useful insights may be gained into the reactions of black persons to change in the macro-society. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1983.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.Dev.Studies)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.

William Stetson Kennedy (1916-2011), an activist and muckraking journalist, focused on social and economic conditions in the South. In seven decades of activism, he fought for peace, workers’ rights, civil rights, and environmental protections. Kennedy collected oral histories as a folklorist with the Federal Writer’s Project, and he infiltrated the Ku Klux Klan and worked to get their state charters revoked. This project breaks new ground by bringing to light a neglected aspect of Stetson Kennedy’s work: his years (1943-1947) as the editorial director for the Political Action Committee of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO-PAC). In this role, Kennedy fought against voting restrictions and informed workers about candidates and voting issues. This dissertation explores several research questions: How are alphabetic, civic, and critical literacies activated and enhanced through labor rhetoric? In what ways are these three literacies connected? What are the implications of interconnected literate praxis in academic spaces and beyond? The writer employs archival research, primary field research, and critical theory. Using critical theory enables the writer to stake new claims about key concepts: the subject, agency, ideology, discourse, rhetoric, and literacy. This project enriches existing scholarship in rhetoric and composition through focusing on literacy programs in labor movements. Although labor unions have long provided instruction in reading, writing, history, and political economy, little work outside of history and sociology has been done on worker education. Literacy building outside the classroom has received some attention in rhetoric and composition, but the role that unions play in this process has been neglected. In addition, this rhetorical biography provides an historical account of a writer who helped educate workers largely through the use of dialect, folklore, and other forms of vernacular/working-class discourse. Vernacular discourse must be recovered in order to rectify the privileging of academic/elite discourse and to end the longstanding silence about socioeconomic class in US society. Furthermore, this project connects rhetorical theory to rhetorical practice, what Paulo Freire called praxis. Ultimately, this project provides a new view of literacy by theorizing how three different literacies interact, as well as the implications of these interactions in classrooms and communities.

Gamla krediter. Pantbelåningens utveckling i Sverige i relation till utvecklingen av andra kreditsystem, regleringar och välfärdsstatens uppkomst 1850-1950

The aim of this essay is to investigate to which extent the novel Kvinnor och äppelträd by Moa Martinson can be classified as a polyphonic novel. The concept polyphony was established in literary theory by the Russian language theorist and literary critic Michail Bachtin in 1929, in his book Problems of Dostoevsky’s poetics. In order to understand and comprehend the concept of polyphony I have used an interpretation due to the literature scholar Robyn McCallum. She notes that the characters in a polyphonic novel function as focalizers. All fictional characters create their own basis of social, cultural and ideological opinions and values, from which they provide their particular perspective on the story. Therefore, when fictional characters and their socio-ideological viewpoints intersect, a rather complex structure of interaction, dialogues and intersubjectivity is created between them.  Kvinnor och äppelträd is according to the most prominent scholar in the field, Ebba Witt-Brattström, a polyphonic novel. Her presumption is based upon the plurality of voices that is expressed in the novel, and the ambiguous interaction between them. However, to the best of my knowledge, no profound investigation of the novel’s polyphonic structure has yet been undertaken, and therefore this essay is dedicated to this task. For this purpose I have performed an analysis of the narratology in the novel, resulting in the overall conclusion that Kvinnor och äppelträd is indeed a polyphonic novel. Since the concept of polyphony also implies a modernistic feature, one can discuss the fact that Kvinnor och äppelträd has been classified as working class literature, and not modernistic literature. The final conclusion of the essay is that the complex polyphonic structure of the novel, and its controversial and pioneering content, have been underestimated and ignored. Regarding this aspect Moa Martinson should have been categorized under the Swedish literary modernism.

The focus of this thesis is an AIDS education programme targeting prostitutes in the industrial town of Thika, Kenya. The thesis challenges three key assumptions underlying the programme, namely: (1) prostitutes in Kenya form a readily identifiable, homogenous social category; (2) medically, they are a source of HIV-infection, and a risk group due to their sexual activity; (3) once provided with knowledge about AIDS transmission and prevention, they have the incentive, and the means to modify their risk behaviour. The notions of "prostitution", "risk", and "responsibility", as assumed in the medical discourse of the programme, are contrasted with those found in the narratives of local health workers and the women involved in the programme. The incongruences in these sets of understandings have implications for the interpretation of epidemiological findings and the planning of AIDS prevention programmes in general. By lending an overall priority ranking to the risk factor of sexual behaviour, the epidemiological paradigm informing the programme masks social and economic co-factors placing women at risk, as well as the role of men in transmission of the HIV-virus. Further, the paradigm ignores important factors in the motivation of health behaviour, namely, the relative significance that women attribute to the risk of AIDS, as well as their envisaged control over health.

No description available.

The arguments concerning the unviability of Social Democracy at the beginning of new century within the context of globalization, and the accusations for its shift towards the New Right/Neo-Liberalism in the case of the Third Way has been criticized in a historico-critical way in this thesis. It is claimed that the insufficiency of these arguments arises from their analysis of Social Democracy merely through policies, or party politics, which have displayed great variety in the evolution of Social Democracy. Their shortage also stems from misunderstandings concerning Social Democracy before 1980, such as that it was against the market economy, that it was a working class ideology, and that it neglected the individual. Against the arguments of unviability and the accusations directed to Social Democracy, the thesis will assert that the theorization of Social Democracy should be based on its principles, such as democracy, progressiveness (movement) and social justice. By focusing on social democratic conception of social justice, this thesis defends that there is continuity within the tradition of Social Democracy, even in the face of globalization and in its encounters with the developments after 1980.