A full understanding of nineteenth century Irish America requires close examination of emigration as well as immigration. Knowledge of Irish pre-emigration experiences is a key to making sense of their post-emigration lives. This work analyzes the regional origins, the migration and settlement patterns, and the work and associational life of the Catholic Irish in Brooklyn between 1850 and 1900. Over this pivotal half century, the Brooklyn Irish developed a rich associational life which included temperance, Irish nationalism, land reform and Gaelic language and athletic leagues. This era marked the emergence of a more diverse, mature Irish-Catholic community, a community which responded in a new ways to a variety of internal and external challenges. To a degree, the flowering of Irish associational life represented a reaction to the depersonalization associated with American industrialization. However, it also reflected the changing cultural norms of many post-famine immigrants. Unlike their pre-1870 predecessors, these newcomers were often more modern in outlook - more committed to Irish nationhood, less impoverished, better educated and more devout. Consequently, post-1870 immigrants tended to be over-represented in the ranks of associations dedicated to Irish nationalism, Irish temperance, trade unionism, and cultural revivalism throughout Kings County. Unsurprisingly, over 70 of Brooklyn's 96 Catholic churches in 1901 were built after July 1, 1870. The internal diversity of the Brooklyn Irish was extensive. The opportunities and experiences of some Irish differed markedly from those experienced by others. Gender, county of origin and skill level all served as factors in post-emigration success. Moreover, generation was especially pronounced as a socioeconomic agent in Brooklyn. Economic prospects for the Irish-born remained as poor in Brooklyn as anywhere in the nation, but improved more rapidly for the American-born Irish then anyone might realistically have considered possible. Increased opportunities for land ownership seemed to support the socioeconomic prospects of thrifty Irishmen, but occupational mobility strongly favored the second generation, more so than in other locales. Why do both popular and scholarly accounts tend to portray all nineteenth century Irish Americans as either an undifferentiated mass of unskilled proletarians or as nouveau riche "lace curtain" aristocrats when significant variation clearly existed? In Philadelphia, Detroit and Brooklyn, at least 30 percent of Irish-born male workers in 1880 could be classified as "skilled craftsmen." In five other major cities, from San Francisco to Providence, the corresponding figure was roughly one-fifth in the same census year. Meanwhile, the Brooklyn Irish displayed a curious pattern of halting socioeconomic progress among foreign-born men (55% nonskilled in 1850, 51% nonskilled in 1900) alongside impressive progress for their American-born sons (35% nonskilled in 1880, 22% nonskilled in 1900). Irish American socio-economic mobility paled in comparison to that of their German peers, especially among the foreign born. Their intra-urban geographic mobility patterns differed as well. Irish Americans, in Brooklyn and other Northeastern and Midwestern cities, tended to move out of the older core wards as soon as they enjoyed a degree of economic success. German Americans, conversely, seem to have reinvested their new wealth in "a nicer house in the old neighborhood." Germans tended to separate themselves, whether they lived in the tenement districts of New York's Germantown and Brooklyn's Williamsburg, or the single-family homes of Riverdale just south of the Bronx. By 1890, the Irish were virtually ubiquitous, inhabiting all areas and all housing types of Brooklyn.

Drawing on workplace ethnography at a farm in the East of England and interviews with former participants on the UK's temporary foreign worker programme, the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme, this thesis contributes to understanding of the everyday work and living experiences of migrant workers in UK horticulture. In particular, it assesses the influence of supermarket-driven supply chains and of immigration status on these experiences. This thus reveals a labour process which is strongly shaped by structural factors, yet workers' agency is also shown to play an important part. The analysis is organised around working and living spaces. It first explores the living spaces of the camp in which migrant workers were required to reside as a result of the conditions attached to the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme. Such conditions, it is argued, give rise to both social and physical enclosure and thus to employers' control of migrant workers. Secondly, the thesis focuses on everyday work spaces, illustrating how migrants' work efforts are influenced by two features of production operating in UK food supply chains: just in time and total quality control. The role of surveillance and technology are shown to be important in habituating migrants' bodies and their work efforts. The analysis of spaces of work also reveals how the piece rate form of payment and uncertainty over rates of pay are used to gain workers' consent and intensification of work effort. Moreover, it contributes to understanding of the bodily effects of that effort. The thesis further explores leisure and consumption spaces away from the camp. These can be sites of stigma, racism and exclusion and simultaneously reveal the working of a transnational social field. The analysis of these spaces provides evidence of how immigration status and nationality can shape both migrants' own identities and how others perceive them.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O propósito desta dissertação é apresentar uma análise da pobreza e da mobilidade social na obra de Eça de Queirós no período de 1878 a 1888. Para tanto, examinaremos os personagens pobres, refletindo sobre seu papel na diegese, sua construção no texto e sua influência na concepção artística do autor; sobre a subjacente visão de mundo que nelas se expressa; e, finalmente, confrontamo-las, enquadradas no que tem sido considerado estética realista-naturalista. Esta pesquisa justifica-se pela proposta de criação de um novo foco de análise dentro da crítica queirosiana: aquele voltado às personagens que se dedicam de modo específico ao trabalho, e, ao fazê-lo, revelar a perspectiva do romancista relativamente à sociedade e ao momento histórico. O estudo que fazemos de alguns estratos sociais pouco valorizados (o pessoal doméstico, por exemplo) é uma lacuna nos estudos queirosianos. Algumas das personagens que acompanhamos passam quase despercebidas nos romances. Com exceção de Juliana, de O primo Basílio, têm intervenção mínima na ação. Ainda assim têm uma caracterização bastante elaborada, mesmo que por vezes com poucos traços, e não deixam de compor uma visão mais alargada da sociedade portuguesa do século XIX, desmentindo a ideia ainda hoje corrente de que Eça teria posto nos seus livros apenas os extratos sociais privilegiados de seu tempo. Para além da designação tão vaga de crítico social, Eça testemunhou um processo de transformação de um mundo em ruínas, que já não podia mais ser o que sempre fora / The purpose of this dissertation is to present an analysis of poverty and social mobility in the Eça de Queirozs production from 1878 to 1888. To do that, we will examine the poor characters, reflecting on their role in the diegesis, their construction in the text and their influence on the authors artistic conception; on the underlying view of the world expressed in them and, finally, we will compare those characters, based on what has been considered a realistic-naturalistic aesthetics. This research is justified by the proposal of a new focus of analysis within the critical brought up by Eça de Queiroz, which highlight the characters from the working classes. Therefore, we will expose the writers perspective about the society and the historical moment. This study on some less valued classes (the household, for example) is a gap in works about Eça de Queiroz. Some of the characters we examine are almost unnoticed in his novels. Except for Juliana, from O Primo Basilio, they hardly interfere in the action. Nevertheless, they are detailed characterized, even if sometimes with a few features, and they compose a broader view of the Portuguese society of the 19th century, denying the idea that Eça put in his books only the privileged social classes of his time. Beyond the vague designation of "social critic", Eça witnessed a world in a process of transformation, which could no longer be what it used to be

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:31:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-08-09Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:19:59Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 goulart_dc_dr_mar.pdf: 2330915 bytes, checksum: c78408fa1e5dc6d141d8690b0711385a (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho analisa o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Teto (MTST), buscando reconstruir sua história e compreender como a reconfiguração da classe trabalhadora e a ação política no Brasil recente, repercutem sobre os projetos e ações deste movimento. Partimos da construção histórica dos movimentos sociais urbanos a partir do final dos anos 70, mostrando suas principais características e como suas ações forçaram um debate político sobre a organização dos trabalhadores em movimentos por moradia. Ao relacionar o MTST à historicidade dos movimentos sociais no Brasil pós-ditadura militar, queremos demonstrar que há um repertório de ação que foi ressignificado pelo MTST advindo daqueles movimentos. Por outro lado, construiu-se um projeto político formulado de maneira mais acabada pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e pela Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT), que teve repercussão intensa em movimentos como o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Terra (MST), que contribuiu para as primeiras formulações do MTST, principalmente em sua forma de organização (ocupações e dinâmica dos acampamentos). Porém, a conjuntura neoliberal em que surge o movimento, impõe novas formulações internas e novos modos de enfrentamento com o Estado e o capital, que fazem com que o movimento ultrapasse o projeto participativo democratizante que se tornou hegemônico na esquerda brasileira dos anos 80 e 90. O MTST surge no final dos anos 90 e cresce em numero de ocupações e área de sua atuação territorial, até chegar à nacionalização em 2009. Toda sua trajetória foi construída sob o projeto neoliberal em pleno desenvolvimento no Brasil, e mais da metade de sua existência ocorreu durante os dois governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores na presidência da República. Com um projeto político... / This paper analyzes the Movement of Homeless Workers - MTST, showing its history and trying to understand how the reconfiguration of the working class and social policy, more specifically the housing, impacts on the projects and actions of this movement. We start our discussion from the construction of urban social movements of the late 1970s, showing its main characteristics and how their actions have forced a debate on the political organization of workers in movements for housing. We seek to demonstrate that the legacy of these movements was reframed by MTST that arises in the late '90s with the neoliberal project in Brazil in full deployment. The growth of MTST and its nationalization in 2009, occurs during the two governments of the Workers Party in the presidency, leading to new ways of coping with the State and its policy, which we analyzed through the perspective of class struggle in Brazil. With an anti-capitalist political project, MTST, experiences the difficulties of collective action that seeks radical changes in society, the need for negotiation to obtain the demands of its social base and maintaining consistency between their political positions and dynamic form of internal organization. Thus, the core of our research is to examine the trajectory of MTST as an element in the class struggle in Brazil in the last 15 years

Esta dissertação pretende analisar concepções populares sobre punição e polícia. Uma das questões principais é entender por que as camadas populares, que são as principais vítimas da violência policial, apóiam propostas de punições mais severas e de redução do controle sobre o uso da força pela polícia. Para isso, é fundamental considerar alguns fatores presentes na realidade brasileira como: “exclusão moral”, “corpo incircunscrito”, exposição à violência e crise do sistema de justiça penal. A partir desses fatores, os “bandidos” se tornam um outro que merece um tratamento violento e as críticas à polícia são de que, ora ela se associa aos criminosos, ora ela age agressivamente em relação aos cidadãos pobres, como se eles fossem “bandidos”. Além disso, as conclusões desta pesquisa indicam que as concepções populares de polícia não são homogêneas e que há lugar para defesa dos direitos civis, da limitação ao poder de polícia e da aplicação da punição como forma de recuperação do infrator. / This study intend to examine the working class’ concepts of punishment and police. One of the key questions is the understanding of the reasons why poor people, who are the main victims of police violence, support propositions of more severe punishments and reduction of control on the use of letal force by the police. For this, it’s fundamental to consider some elements present within the brazilian reality, such as: “moral exclusion”, “unbounded body”, violence exposure and the penal justice system crisis. From these elements, the “criminals” become someone who deserves a violent treatment and the critiques to the police are that sometimes they associate themselves with the criminals, and sometimes they behave aggressively towards the poor citizens as they were “real criminals”. The conclusions of this research indicates that the working class’ concepts of police are not homogeneous and, among them, there is place for the defense of the Civil Rights, the limitation to the power of the police and for the punishment as a way to rehabilitate the offender.

Este trabalho analisa as relações de solidariedade e conflito no processo de formação da classe operária no Rio Grande do Sul no final do século XIX e início do XX. Parte-se do pressuposto que a classe se forma nas relações travadas com a burguesia, mas também naquelas relações que se estabelecem entre seus próprios membros, as quais nem sempre são de união e cooperação. Preocupou-se em analisar estas relações de solidariedade e conflito em diversos espaços e situações da vida operária: as relações entre trabalhadores homens e mulheres, a instrução operária, as entidades associativas, a exploração fabril, as greves entre outros. Procurou-se demonstrar que o processo de formação da classe foi baseado em critérios como de gênero, etnia, ideologia e que estes interferiram diretamente no modo de vida e de luta destes trabalhadores operários. / This study analyses the solidarity and conflict relations on the making of working-class in Rio Grande do Sul at the end of ninetieth century and the beginning of twentieth century. We believe that as far as the struggle class is responsible for the making of working-class are also the relations between the workers. But we also know that in some cases those relations aren’t of cooperation and union. Our goal is to understand those relations in some spaces and situations of working-class life: the relations between men and women workers, worker education, the associations they founded, the factory exploration, the strikes, etc. We tried to demonstrate that the making of working-class was built-up in aspects like gender, ethnical and ideological elements that directly interfered in the way of life and struggle of these workers.

Ce travail de thèse étudie la façon dont se construisent les pratiques et les représentations des sciences des enfants en milieux populaires. L’enjeu est de renouveler l’approche des inégalités persistantes dans l’accès aux filières et carrières scientifiques, dans lesquelles les femmes, les classes populaires et les minorités sont largement sous-représentées. Pour interroger à nouveaux frais les rapports de pouvoir qui sous-tendent l’accès aux sciences, cette recherche les considère non seulement comme un ensemble de connaissances et comme un champ professionnel, mais aussi en tant que culture. L’analyse repose sur une enquête empirique longitudinale par entretiens avec une cinquantaine d’enfants suivis du CM1 à la 5e ainsi qu’avec des parents, enseignant·es et médiateur·rices scientifiques. Elle s’appuie aussi sur l’étude détaillée d’un projet éducatif visant à favoriser l’égalité en sciences (quatre années d’observation en classe) qui a impliqué une partie de notre échantillon, et interroge les effets de ce type de dispositif. La thèse établit que la construction de rapports différenciés aux sciences selon le sexe et l’origine sociale procède des pratiques culturelles scientifiques enfantines. D’une part, plusieurs instances de socialisation culturelle(famille, germains, pairs, école) se combinent pour favoriser ou entraver le développement des loisirs scientifiques des enfants. D’autre part, la culture scientifique que consomment et pratiquent les enfants des classes populaires les amène à construire des représentations des sciences comme étrangères et dénuées de possibilités identificatoires, ce qui décourage filles comme garçons de formuler des aspirations scientifiques. / This thesis examines the way working class children’s practices and representations of science areconstructed. It aims to renew the approach of persistent inequalities in access to science pathwaysand careers, in which women and people from the working class and/or ethno-racial minoritiesremain largely underrepresented. In order to question power relationships underlying access toscience in a new way, this research considers science not only as a body of knowledge and aprofessional eld, but also as a culture. Evidence for this study comes from longitudinal interviewsconducted with about 50 children (two interviews, in the 4th and 6th grade) and with parents,teachers, and science mediators. The analysis also relies on the detailed ethnographic study (4years of observation in classrooms) of an educational project aimed at promoting equality inscience which involved part of our sample, thus questioning the effects of this type of program.The thesis establishes that the social construct of gendered, classed and racialised patterns ofattitudes to science is the result of science-related cultural practices developed during childhood.On the one hand, several instances of cultural socialization (family, siblings, peers, school)combine to favor or hinder the development of children’s science hobbies. On the other hand, thescientific culture that children from the working class consume and practice leads them to constructrepresentations of science as other, and devoid of identificatory possibilities. This discourages girlsand boys from formulating science aspirations.

In the early twentieth century industrial, political, and social conflicts occurred throughout the United States during a period of rapid industrialization and modernization. Examples of these disputes, such as labor strikes and political struggles, have frequently been the subjects of scholarly investigations. Yet certain aspects of these conflicts remain relatively unknown, particularly on the community and local levels. The purpose of the present study was to explore and provide the context for a better understanding of the motives behind the responses of antiradicals to left-wing radicalism. What were some of the social, cultural, and economic motivations of local antiradicals in the city of Portland from 1917 to 1941?

Milled is a collection of poems centered around the speaker’s maternal grandfather who dedicated his life to hard labor as a crane operator in the American steel industry, which led to his work-related illness and eventual death at the age of sixty. These poems investigate subjects that focus on: the Appalachian landscape, childhood trauma, domestic violence, and substance abuse. Such themes inform the speaker’s understanding of her own identity as a working-class queer woman who struggles to reckon with her troubled past.

<p>The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.</p>