Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-01-31T16:34:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Guedes, Marco-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2582765 bytes, checksum: 89db0f1a72067f6171251fd6ed8705d6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-01-31T16:34:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Guedes, Marco-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2582765 bytes, checksum: 89db0f1a72067f6171251fd6ed8705d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Essa dissertação tem como objeto principal as mobilizações dos favelados cariocas construídas por meio da União dos Trabalhadores Favelados, fundada em 1954. Descartando categorias imprecisas, como a de “pobres”, parte da caracterização da imensa maioria dos favelados como membros da classe trabalhadora e, portanto, sujeitos às condicionantes estruturais impostas a essa classe pelo modo de produção capitalista. A partir daí, a análise volta-se para a compreensão do papel da organização de base constitutiva da UTF na produção da alternativa elaborada pelos trabalhadores favelados ao modelo de “controle negociado” imposto pelo Estado e pelas classes dominantes. Por fim, analisa a evolução das políticas públicas implementadas entre os anos de 1945-1964 com o fito de adequar esse modelo de controle negociado a cada novo avanço surgido da organização e da luta dos trabalhadores favelados. / This dissertation’s main goal is to analyze the mobilizations brought about by Rio de Janeiro’s favelados in the frame of the União dos Trabalhadores Favelados, founded in 1954. Dismissing some inaccurate categories, such as that of “poors”, it characterizes the majority of favelados as members of the working class and, as such, subjects to structural determinations derived from the capitalist mode of production. From that point on, the analysis is aimed to the comprehension of the grassroots organization that was constitutive of UTF, as a pre-condition to the development of an alternative to the “negotiated control” system imposed by the state and the ruling classes. At last, it frames the incarnations assumed by that system in the 1945-1964 period, as responses to constant victories obtained by the favelados in their struggles.

Domestic service constitutes one of the largest sources of employment for black women in South Africa. Yet it is a largely unstudied occupation. There has been no previous investigation of domestic workers in the Eastern Cape, and to date only two comprehensive studies of domestic workers in other areas of South Africa. This neglect is significant, for such inquiry involves questioning the accepted pattern of inequalities on which the entire social order is based.

The period under study is the formative period of working-class political action in this province. The conditions and events of this time form the foundation upon which the Socialist Party of Canada, the Federated Labor Party, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, and the Labor Progressive Party grew to be important factors in British Columbia affairs. Consideration of this period is therefore highly relevant to any evaluation or assessment of these organizations. The wage-workers of British Columbia began to organize into unions in significant numbers in the 1880's. Being concerned with improving their lot as workers, some of the unionists turned toward the idea of taking class action on the political field in order to obtain favorable legislation. In the economic sphere, the main complaint of the workers during this period was that the many Chinese in the province worked long hours for low wages, and thus tended to lower the living standards of those who had to compete with them. Another complaint with economic as well as political aspects was that much of the land and resources of British Columbia had been alienated to such corporations as the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway Company and the Canadian Pacific Railway. In their political action the workers demanded a solution of these grievances, and in the case of the latter were strongly attracted to the doctrine of "single tax." They also expressed a wish for government-sponsored arbitration and conciliation procedures which would settle labor-management disputes in a peaceful manner. The demands for political reform were occasioned by the use of government in the interests of the wealthy element of the community, and were very much influenced by American and socialist ideas. The basic principle involved was that of “direct democracy”, including the initiative, referendum, and recall, and it persisted throughout the whole period in various forms. The first election to be contested by labor candidates was the provincial election of 1886. Pour candidates ran in Victoria and Nanaimo, and all were defeated. At this time the Knights of Labor was at the peak of its power. The organization soon declined, and its place was occupied in most cases by trade unions. In 1890 the Nanaimo miners' union succeeded in electing two members to the British Columbia legislature. Although these members were unable to carry through any of their own measures, their presence led to the passage of a mechanics' lien law and an arbitration and conciliation act. In 1894 the miners’ candidates were defeated but the Nationalist Party of Vancouver, a labor organization, succeeded in getting Robert Macpherson elected. Although not always strictly a labor representative, Macpherson was generally a protagonist of the cause of labor. In the 1896 federal election the Nationalists also initiated the successful candidature of Rev. George R. Maxwell, who remained in parliament until his death in 1902. In 1898 Nanaimo labor recovered part of the lost ground by electing Ralph Smith to Victoria. Smith changed to the federal field in 1900, was elected, and remained in parliament until 1911. However, he was very closely linked to the Liberal Party, and in 1902 was repudiated by the Nanaimo miners. The 1900 provincial election was the high point of labor political action in this period. Labor Candidates with reform programs appeared in Vancouver and Nanaimo. The Western Federation of Miners in the southern Interior supported non-labor candidates pledged to defend the new eight-hour law for metal-miners. All the W.F.M.-backed candidates and one Nanaimo labor man were elected. This election saw the first appearance of the term "Socialist” as the official designation of a candidate — Will MacClain. The period 1900-1906 witnessed the decline of reformist ”laborism” and the rise of socialism as a political force in the province, culminating in the capture of a Labor Party convention by members of the Socialist Party of Canada. A study of this period has a special relevance to the present political situation in British Columbia. We are now in a time of re-alignment and re-orientation of political forces, the understanding of which demands an appraisal of past political changes. The events and situations recounted and analyzed here, since they are concerned with a period of political experimentation, may afford us useful light on present changes. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

The research reported in this thesis is an attempt to test empirically the proposition that specialization in jobs negatively affects the organizational attachment of industrial blue-collar workers. Task specialization refers to the condition where the components of work process are divided into various minute tasks and only a limited number of tasks are assigned to an individual job. In the present study task specialization was operationalized in terms of production-line mechanization in workers' departments. Organizational attachment refers to a specific kind of relationship between a worker and his organization in which the worker (1) accepts and supports the goals and policies of the employing organization, (2) shows a willingness to exert effort for the success of his employing organization, and (3) shows a strong desire to remain a member of his employing organization. The above three dimensions of organizational attachment were measured by asking various questions of workers. The field work for this research was done among industrial workers in Vancouver, British Columbia. A total of fifteen companies were contacted over a period of four months. Of the nine companies which agreed to participate in the research, six were purposely selected in such a way as to have an equal number of workers at each level of production-line mechanization. Data were collected by the method of a structured questionnaire, as well as by direct observation. A total of 550 production workers in six companies were given the 'Organizational Attachment Questionnaire', and 68 percent (377) of these workers returned a completed questionnaire. An average of six to eight hours was spent in each company in observing the technological processes entailed in workers' jobs. To measure the extent of association between production-line mechanization and organizational attachment, Somers' D, which is a strong monotonic asymmetric measure of association for ordinal variables, was computed. The zero order analysis suggested a negative association between production-line mechanization and overall organizational attachment. The first order analysis suggested that there was a negative association between production-line mechanization and overall organizational attachment only for workers who were in the middle age group (30-44), who were male, who had been in the company for less than five years, and who held less than three jobs in their employing organizations. It was also found that task repetition and task simplification were, respectively, negatively related with workers' willingness to exert effort for the success of the employing organization and workers' desire to remain in the employing organization for an indefinite period of time. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

Au croisement de la sociologie des classes populaires et de la sociologie urbaine, cette recherche analyse les effets de la rénovation urbaine dans les cités HLM, à partir d’une monographie dans le grand ensemble des Minguettes (Vénissieux). Elle souligne d’abord que cette politique, qui s’inscrit dans la continuité d’une action publique préoccupée par la maîtrise du peuplement, utilise l’espace résidentiel comme levier de transformation sociale, étendant ainsi l’encadrement des classes populaires au « monde privé », d’ordinaire préservé des rapports de domination. En analysant les pratiques de logeurs et les trajectoires résidentielles des habitants, elle met au jour les conséquences des transformations de l’habitat et des nombreuses mobilités résidentielles suscitées par les démolitions-reconstructions. Parvenant à retenir sur place une minorité de ménages appartenant aux fractions stables des classes populaires, elles ne bouleversent cependant pas le caractère majoritairement populaire du peuplement et ont surtout pour effet d’accentuer la hiérarchisation interne et les logiques de différenciation au sein de l’espace local. Ce travail met enfin en évidence les manières – différenciées selon les profils et les trajectoires – dont ces transformations résidentielles affectent les styles de vie localement en vigueur : elles mettent à l’épreuve les équilibres domestiques, encourageant le repli sur la sphère privée, et affectent les rapports au quartier, marqués par une plus grande réserve et une mise à distance du voisinage. / This research, which lies at the intersection between the sociology of the working classes and urban sociology, analyses the effects of urban renewal in areas of social housing, taking as its starting point a monograph of the social-housing estate of Les Minguettes in Vénissieux, in the south-eastern suburbs of Lyon. It first underlines the fact that this public policy, which follows in the tradition of public action aimed at controlling settlement patterns, uses residential space as a lever for social transformation, thus extending control over the working classes to the “private realm”, a sphere ordinarily exempt from such power relations. By analysing the practices of landlords and the residential trajectories of inhabitants, it sheds light on the consequences of transforming housing and of the many different forms of residential mobility generated by demolition and rebuilding operations. While only a minority of households, from the most stable sections of the working classes, typically remain in such neighbourhoods, these operations do not, however, radically change the broadly working-class character of the population, and tend above all to result in an accentuation of the internal hierarchies and differentiation processes at play within the local space. Lastly, this work reveals the various ways – depending on individual profiles and trajectories – in which these residential transformations affect dominant lifestyles locally: they challenge household equilibrium, encouraging inward-looking attitudes that focus on the private sphere, and affect residents’ relations with the surrounding neighbourhood, which are marked by greater reserve and a tendency to distance themselves from neighbours.

Based on six-years ethnographic research, this thesis provides an in-depth account of a contemporary British drug market. The study follows a group of twenty-five friends, termed The Lads, during their transition from late-adolescence (16-22) through to early adulthood (22-28). This was a critical stage in their life course; it was a time when many had begun advancing into the world of work and business entrepreneurship, in search of their chosen career. Yet it was during this time that two key developments occurred: bulk volumes of illicit drugs became available to The Lads through credit and the UK experienced several years of economic recession and stagnation. The economic constraints The Lads encountered during this time prompted many to become involved in the trafficking of illegal drugs. Though their entry into the markets was not necessarily motivated out of absolute need or poverty, the experience of low-paying salaries, the loss of work and income, and the inability to secure legitimate investment capital, all made drug dealing an alluring source of untaxed revenue, available as and when needed. This study assesses the practices of this cohort of closed-market drug dealers, who capitalised on their expansive social networks as a means of trafficking a variety of illegal substances at the time of these two developments. During the course of the research their involvement came to span several stages of the supply chain, including: mid-level wholesale brokerage, import/export, wholesale, and retail (i.e. to the end-users). The study addresses various structural elements of their trade, including drug purchasing and selling, the assessment and mitigation of risks in relation to law enforcement, and the use of informal credit (i.e. ‘fronting’) as one of the principle facilitating factors of The Lads’ various trade networks. A variety of data collection methods were employed over many years to garner a depth of understanding and appreciation difficult to achieve in the study of active offenders. The data comprises of life narratives, observations, interview data and economic data. The findings offer some new insight into: the kinds of people who deal drugs; what characteristics they share; how they function as traders; what motivates them to either enter or exit the trade, and what social structures influence their offending careers?These young men were not the archetypal drug dealer: they were neither predatory nor territorial. They were ambitious and hard working. Drug dealing was simply a shortcut to the lifestyle they aspired to; it was a source of capital; a means of funding their studies; a ‘means to an end’. To these young men, drug dealing was just another form of work: a bad job that paid a good salary.

The forest products industry is a major part of British Columbia's economy, employing directly or indirectly about twenty percent of the province's workforce; and accounting for a significant percentage of the province's exports and government revenues. Historically, the industry has been characterized by highly centralized bargaining structures and formal pattern bargaining between the two regions, the Interior and the Coast, and between the two main industry sectors, pulp and paper and solid wood. Recent environmental changes however, have put considerable pressure on the current system. Because of these changes employers now desire less centralized structures and more local control over terms of the collective agreement. Pressures for decentralization have resulted from a combination of world wide trends and industry specific changes. The globalization of markets, increased volatility of currency exchange rates, and the increasing rate of technological change are examples of the former. Industry specific changes include the diversification of products and markets between regions and firms, and two major labour disputes in the 1980s. These changes however, have had little effect upon bargaining in the forest products industry. Some changes have occurred, but to date they have not been significant. Employers in the province's pulp and paper sector deaccredited their employer bargaining association in March 1985. Despite this change, bargaining in the last two rounds has been done jointly, as it has been done for the past four decades. The second change noted is the severing of ties between the Pulp Bureau and FIR, the Coastal solid wood employer association. Previously overseen by a common Chairman, these two bodies are now run independently to encourage the separation of bargaining outcomes in the two sectors. The final change of note is the role reversal between the pulp unions and the IWA. For many years it was the IWA who negotiated what would become the industry wide settlement. In the last two rounds of negotiations, however, the pulp unions have settled first. Despite what appear to be significant environmental changes, there has been relatively little change in bargaining in this industry. Clearly there are forces in the industry's industrial relations system that are preserving the status quo. Several organizational forces and one environmental force are identified which are preventing change in industry bargaining structures. Organizational forces include third party pressures (specifically threats of government intervention), industry tradition and past practice, and the unions' ability to resist unilateral changes in bargaining. The environmental force preventing employers from forcing change in industry bargaining structure is the economic health of product markets in the two sectors. Not until the pressures for change are great enough to overcome these inertial organizational forces will significant change occur in the bargaining structure and patterns of the B.C. forest products industry. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

With the urbanization phenomenon, a population of unskilled migrant workers commonly known as Boia- Frias has rapidly grown up in slums on the peripheries of Brazilian cities. This study was carried put to assess the food habits and nutritional status of 100 Boia-Fria families of Vila Recreio, a slum area on the edge of Ribeirao Preto, S.P., Brazil, using dietary, anthropometric, and biochemical investigations. Qualitatively, the Boia-Fria diet was monotonous and simple, consisting basically of polished rice, beans, white bread, and coffee with sugar. In general, the foods which were lacking were: milk products, meats, fish, eggs, poultry, non-refined grain products, and fruits and vegetables rich in vitamins A and C. Foods of low nutritional value such as starchy gruels, sugar-water, herb tea, coffee with sugar and soft drinks were commonly used as weaning foods. Although dietary practices of pregnant and lactating women were poor, breastfeeding was still practiced by most mothers. According to 24-hour dietary recall data, conditions existed which were conducive to the development of nutritional problems, especially with respect to calcium, vitamin A, riboflavin, niacin, vitamin C, and iron, of the nutrients tested and with respect to quantitative intake of food. Biochemical data confirmed the presence of early malnutrition, pre-clinical in nature for about 257o of the population with respect to vitamin A, carotene, and iron. Plasma cholesterol, total lipid and vitamin E values were found to be normal. Anthropometric examinations revealed clear signs of clinical undernutrition among men and women as well as some degree of obesity among women. Child mortality data provided evidence of some advanced clinical malnutrition among children. Basic causes of malnutrition among the Boia-Frias included the following ecological factors: recent urbanization; housing, sanitation, and environmental conditions, associated with serious infection problems; poverty; illiteracy; and an ignorance of what constitutes good nutrition. Recommendations for intervention and "long-range" nutrition programs to minimize the harsh effects of poverty and upheaval on these migrant workers of Brazil were suggested. / Land and Food Systems, Faculty of / Graduate

The aim of this diploma thesis is an analytical comparison and deconstruction of views of social historians on labouring men. The object of my interest will be views of Czech and East German historians from the period of the socialist dictatorship, and the views of Czech and German historians from the period of post-socialism. Using the methods of poststructuralist approaches, I will place the comparison and deconstructions in the contextual analysis of ideological determinations. At the same time, I will pay special attention to the changes in the determinations and epistemological breaks, with the help of which I will analyze the changes in the position of workes's research in relation to science and society. Key words: labouring men, comparison, deconstruction, historiography, ideology, epistemological break, science, socialist dictatorship, post-socialism

Syftet med studien var att undersöka hur socionomstudenter med arbetarklassbakgrund upplevde universitetsmiljön och det sociala umgänget vid universitetet. För att svara på studiens syfte användes en kvalitativ metod, där åtta intervjuer genomfördes med socionomstudenter från tre olika universitet i Sverige. Studiens data analyserades med en kvalitativ innehållsanalys och med Pierre Bourdieus teorier om kapitalformer och habitus, samt Everett Stonequists begrepp ”the marginal man”. Studiens resultat visade att den första tiden präglades av spänning och oro för socionomstudenterna, då miljön var främmande för dem. Den visade också att det initialt var krävande för studenterna att socialt integreras med övriga studenter. Studien visade att efter en tid vid universitetet, blev studenterna mer bekväma i universitetsmiljön. De flesta hade assimilerats in i universitetsmiljön, det vill säga att studenterna accepterade de normer och förhållningssätt som råder vid universitetet, och kände en tillhörighet till andra socionomstudenter. Slutsatsen visade att de olika kapitalen studenterna hade med sig från uppväxten, hade betydelse för hur upplevelsen av universitetsmiljön blev. Det var framför allt den nya kulturen som var av ett annat slag än vad de var vana vid. Det visade också att ”the marginal man” uppstått hos socionomstudenter på grund av olika sociala kontexter. / The purpose of the study was to examine how social work students with a working-class background experienced the university environment and the social interaction at the university. To answer the purpose of the study, a qualitative method was used, where eight interviews were conducted with social work students from three different universities in Sweden. The data were analyzed with a qualitative content analysis and with Pierre Bourdieu's theories on capital and habitus, as well as Everett Stonequist's concept “the marginal man”. The results of the study showed that the first period at the university was characterized by excitement and anxiety for the social work students, since the environment was foreign to them. It also showed that it was initially demanding for the students to be socially integrated with other students. The study showed that after some time, the students became more comfortable in the university environment. Most had been assimilated into the university environment, which means the students accepted the norms and attitudes that prevailed at the university and felt a sense of belonging to other social work students. The conclusion was that the different forms of capitals had an impact on students’ experiences of the university environment. It primarily the university culture that was new to them. Belonging to different social contexts generated experiences related to “the marginal man” among social work students.