Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2005. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 260-265). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Includes color illustrations. Includes bibliography and index. Full text release at OhioLINK's ETD Center delayed at author's request

Cette thèse, ancrée dans les travaux des géographes féministes, postcoloniaux et sur les classes populaires, porte sur les trajectoires et appartenances de femmes sans-papiers parties seules, originaires d’Afrique subsaharienne et du Maghreb en région parisienne. Elle s’appuie sur une enquête ethnographique menée de fin 2009 à 2016 auprès de 52 femmes. Le premier mouvement de cette thèse s’intéresse, à partir d’une réflexivité attentive à la position de sexe, « race » et classe de l’apprentie ethnographe, aux formes et modalités de la conscience des dominant•e•s, ici celle d’une jeune femme blanche hétérosexuelle de la petite bourgeoisie provinciale et à son implication dans l’enquête. Le deuxième mouvement de cette thèse analyse les discours et pratiques de deux types d’accompagnatrices qui encadrent au quotidien les interlocutrices : les psychologues et assistantes de l’action et de l’urgence sociale. L’arrivée en France soumet les interlocutrices à une nouvelle géographie de l’intime : celle d’une retraduction de soi dans les catégories d’entendement dominant de la société d’accueil, autour de la psychologisation des difficultés sociales et des représentations postcoloniales de la condition des femmes « africaines » et « arabes ». Au regard de ces figures et d’une existence sans droits, comprendre comment ces femmes font face à ces contraintes constitue le troisième mouvement de cette thèse. La méthode ethnographique – permettant de restituer les conditions de possibilité des discours et pratiques des interlocutrices – et l’approche par trajectoire, appartenances et pratiques matérielles se sont révélées fécondes pour montrer les différenciations sociales entre ces femmes et leur positionnement pluriel sur différentes scènes (militante, résidentielle, du travail et du projet migratoire). De la matérialité des lieux aux pratiques spatiales en passant par l’appropriation de l’espace, de l’espace privé à l’espace public, de l’ancrage local à la mise en mobilité forcée dans les dispositifs du « 115 », du corps à la construction du chez-soi, au quartier, à la ville et aux frontières de la nation, l’approche géographique a permis d’affiner l’analyse / My dissertation draws on feminist and postcolonial geographies and the literature on working classes, and analyses the trajectories and senses of belonging of women with no legal status who have migrated alone from Subsaharan Africa or Maghreb to the region of Paris. The empirical ethnographic investigation was carried out between late 2009 and 2016 and involved 52 women. The first section of the dissertation reflexively examines the position in terms of gender, race and class from which the ethnography is conducted, and the awareness of the dominant position I had in this research as a young white heterosexual woman from the lower middle class of the French provinces. The second chapter deals with the discourses and practices of two types of women who accompany migrant women on a daily basis: psychologists and social workers. The women have a new geography of intimacy assigned to themselves as they arrive in France : their experiences are constructed according to the dominant categories of understanding of the society of arrival, their social difficulties are depicted as psychological and they are described in terms of postcolonial representations of the condition of « African » and « Arabic » women. The third section of the work looks at the ways in which, faced with these stereotypes and with the denial of rights, the migrant women resist these constraints. Ethnographic methods unearth the determinants of these women’s discourses and practices, along with an emphasis on trajectories and experiences of belonging, and material practices. They cast light on the social differenciations between these women and their multi-location on different scenes (that of activism, that of residence, that of work and their migration project). A geographical approach allows for a contextual, in-depth analysis of the materiality of places, spatial practices and appropriation, between public and private space, from rootedness in the local to the enforced mobility of seeking housing with the emergency services (115), from body to home, from neighbourhood to city and to the borders of the nation

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:46:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MariaECMS.pdf: 1249468 bytes, checksum: ef04f1b54ca6ec9c860d2b98a697085d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-18 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / This work problematizes the inflections of the offensive of the capital on the work, having as a social-historical context the relation between the productive restructuring and the social reproduction of the working families classes. Part of the presupposition that the reproduction of the capital, to raise deep transformations in the productions, organization of the work and in the social relationships, it also produces determinations in the life and work conditions, in the affectionate relationships and in the family coexistence expressing, so, a subjective way. Thereby, the conditions of reproductions of the work in the scenery aimed by the contemporary capitalism have been demonstrating the crescent impoverishment of the workers, the alimentary insecurity, the shortage of the work, the weakness of the political organization and the regression of the State in the conduction of public policy that characterize the daily violation of human and social rights. In this approach, we seek to contemplate the several configurations of affectionate-sexual coexistence expressed by the family, articulating it to the contemporary work division, pondering about the forms of satisfaction of the needs engendered by the group for preservation of their bonds, in face to the daily adversity which translates to the growing responsibility to assist social d mands and in the impediments to the enrichment of the individuality and human diversity. / Este estudo analisa as inflex?es da ofensiva do capital sobre o trabalho tendo como contexto s?cio-hist?rico a rela??o entre reestrutura??o produtiva e reprodu??o social das fam?lias das classes trabalhadoras. Parte do pressuposto de que a reprodu??o do capital, por alavancar profundas transforma??es na produ??o, organiza??o do trabalho e nas rela??es sociais, produz tamb?m determina??es nas condi??es de vida e de trabalho, nas rela??es afetivas e na conviv?ncia familiar expressando, assim, um modo de subjetividade. Assim, as condi??es de reprodu??o do trabalho no cen?rio objetivado pelo capitalismo contempor?neo t?m demonstrado uma crescente pauperiza??o dos (das) trabalhadores (as), a inseguran?a alimentar, a precariza??o do trabalho, o enfraquecimento de sua organiza??o pol?tica e a regress?o do Estado na condu??o das pol?ticas p?blicas que caracterizam a viola??o cotidiana de direitos humanos e sociais. Nessa abordagem, buscamos contemplar as v?rias configura??es de conviv?ncia afetivo-sexual expressas pela fam?lia, articulando-a a divis?o do trabalho contempor?nea, refletindo sobre as formas de satisfa??o das necessidades engendradas pelo grupo para preserva??o de seus v?nculos, em face do cotidiano adverso e que se traduz em crescente responsabiliza??o para atender demandas sociais e nos impedimentos ao enriquecimento da individualidade e diversidade humanas.

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Essa dissertação tem por objeto de estudo a intitulada Estratégia Democrático-Popular, compreendida como o principal debate tático-estratégico construído pela classe trabalhadora no Brasil após o fim da contrarrevolução burguesa e que segue hegemônica entre parte significativa de seus instrumentos coletivos até os dias de hoje. A conjuntura de sua emersão é a do esgotamento da ditadura implantada em 1964 e o sujeito histórico do qual deriva é o que Chasin (2000) nomeou ter sido o nosso movimento democrático de massas, formado pela ascendência do movimento operário sindical e popular em 1980. O objetivo deste trabalho - diante do pouco referencial bibliográfico que trate especificamente do tema e da sua atualidade em tempos neoliberais - é o de proceder uma pesquisa teórica sobre tal estratégia. Para tanto, tomamos por principal fonte bibliográfica as obras do sociólogo Florestan Fernandes, a quem consideramos o seu principal formulador - das publicações que decorrem da primeira metade da década de 1970 aos anos 1990 - e que tratam da construção de uma revolução dentro e fora da ordem, com centralidade democrática. Nesse sentido, dividimos este trabalho em dois momentos: o estudo dos fundamentos da formação social do Brasil a constituição de suas classes sociais e o padrão de transformação capitalista aqui prevalecente; e, como resultado do primeiro, a análise do programa de revolução nacional pelos 'de baixo', da sua gênese programática em 1970 à consolidação governamental pela democracia de cooptação nos anos 2000. / This work aims at studying the Popular Democratic Strategy, understood as the main strategic discussion built by the working class in Brazil after the bourgeois counterrevolution. Besides, the project is still one of the most important collective tools used by them nowadays. It emerged from the popular syndical worker movement -- which Chasin (2000) calls the mass democratic movement in the context of the exhaustion of the dictatorship established in 1964. Considering that there are just a few works on this theme and its present relevance under neoliberal regimes, this study will present a theoretical research on the Popular Democratic Strategy cited above. We take the work of Florestan Fernandes as a main reference, because of his contributions on the formulation of the program (from the first half of 1970 until 1990). After all, his works deal with the construction of a revolution inside and outside the order, with democratic centrality. This work is divided in two sessions. The first one consists of a study on the foundations of Brazils social formation, the constitution of social classes and the pattern of capitalist transformation that prevailed here. The second one analyzes the program of a national grassroots revolution, from its programmatic genesis in 1970 to the governmental consolidation through the democracy of cooptation in 2000.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:54:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Wanderley Azevedo de Brito.pdf: 26148583 bytes, checksum: 71317ac7562cb819b1e8aebc016d5940 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-12 / The present work is the result of a research conducted between 2009 and 2011 during the Graduate Program in Education; it was a requirement for the defense of PhD thesis at Catholic University of Goiás - GO-PUC. The aim of this study is to analyze whether the Brazilian propedeutic Secondary School provides training for human development or for the labor market. The struggle between capital and labor is spelled out in the Brazilian economic model that is contradictory in its process combining vocational and propedeutic high school with unequal investment policies. In the general context of the restructuring process, certain knowledge previously spurned, like easiness in communication, reading comprehension and abstract reasoning, nowadays, are considered important factors of production. The works of Marx (1968, 1978, 2006 and 2007), Marx and Engels (1965), Kuenzer (1988, 1997 and 2000), Saviani (1984, 2005), Chauí (1980), Bourdieu (2010), Antunes (1995 , 2001, 2004, 2006, 2009), Bruno (1996), Enguita (1993), Frigotto (1995, 2001, 2009), Gentili (1995), Paiva (1995), Ponchmann (2004, 2009), Boito (2005) , Bardin (2004), Dione and Laville (1999) and Triviños (1987), constitute the theoretical basis used for the analysis of the problem. Materialist dialectics was chosen as a method that guides the present study. The research sample consists of workers in the tertiary sector, specifically in the areas of trade and services, who conducted their studies in public schools in the metropolitan area of Goiânia, from the propedeutic model of high school. According to the evaluation of workers participating in the survey, the public high school does not allow understanding and mastering the fundamentals and principles of scientific and technological processes, especially the more complex knowledge that may enable greater autonomy to the worker, such as: - understanding and interpreting complex graphics; - better conditions for assessment and intervention on the work reality; - ability to search and select information and build new knowledge, - domain and interaction with new technologies - skills to solve complex problems on unexpected working situations. The results indicate that the propedeutic public high school still excluded from the structural reforms of the education system, supported by a socioeconomic model that promotes the subordination and precariousness of the working class to capital, from the increased extraction of added value. The Law 11.741/2008, which separates the objectives of the High School from Professional and Technical Level Middle School, reduces the propedeutic public high school to a subcategory, it maintains the duality of this education level and prevents the possibility of establishing an educational model with omnilateral, unitary and polytechnic training for most of the working class. / O presente trabalho é resultado de uma pesquisa desenvolvida entre 2009 e 2011, no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, como exigência para a defesa de Tese de Doutorado pela Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás PUC-GO. A questãoproblema desse objeto de estudo é analisar se o Ensino Médio público propedêutico brasileiro propicia formação humana ou para o mercado de trabalho. A luta entre capital e trabalho está explicitada no modelo econômico brasileiro que, em seu processo contraditório vem combinando Ensino Médio profissionalizante e propedêutico, com políticas públicas de investimentos desiguais. No contexto geral da reestruturação produtiva, determinados conhecimentos antes desprezados, como facilidade de comunicação, de compreensão de textos e de raciocínio abstrato, são considerados importantes fatores de produção. Os trabalhos de Marx (1968, 1978, 2006 e 2007), Marx e Engels (1965), Kuenzer (1988, 1997 e 2000), Saviani (1984, 2005), Chauí (1980), Bourdieu (2010), Antunes (1995, 2001, 2004, 2006, 2009), Bruno (1996), Enguita (1993), Frigotto (1995, 2001, 2009), Gentilli (1995), Paiva (1995), Ponchmann (2004, 2009), Boito (2005), Bardin (2004), Laville e Dione (1999) e Triviños (1987), constituem o aporte teórico utilizado para análise do problema proposto. A dialética materialista foi escolhida como método que orienta o presente estudo. O universo da pesquisa é formado por trabalhadores do setor terciário, especificamente das áreas de comércio e serviços, que realizaram seus estudos em escolas públicas da região metropolitana de Goiânia, a partir do modelo de Ensino Médio propedêutico. Na avaliação dos trabalhadores participantes da pesquisa, a escola pública de Ensino Médio não possibilita a compreensão e o domínio dos fundamentos e princípios científicos e tecnológicos dos processos produtivos, principalmente aos conhecimentos mais complexos que podem possibilitar maior autonomia ao trabalhador, tais como: compreensão e interpretação de representações gráficas complexas; melhores condições para avaliação e intervenção sobre a realidade de trabalho; aptidão para buscar e selecionar informações e construir novos conhecimentos; domínio e interação com as novas tecnologias; habilidades para solucionar problemas complexos em situações inesperadas de trabalho. Os resultados indicam que o Ensino Médio público propedêutico continua excluído do conjunto de reformas estruturais do sistema educativo, sustentado por um modelo socioeconômico que promove a subordinação e a precarização da classe trabalhadora ao capital, a partir do aumento da extração da mais valia. A Lei 11.741/2008, que separa os objetivos do Ensino Médio e da Educação Profissional Técnica de Nível Médio, reduz o Ensino Médio público propedêutico a uma subcategoria, mantêm a dualidade desse nível de escolaridade e impede a possibilidade de implantar um modelo educacional com formação omnilateral, unitária e politécnica para a maior parte da classe trabalhadora.

This thesis is a re-evaluation of a movement founded to provide what Samuel Smiles called “the road to learning” for workers in the nineteenth century. Mechanics’ institutes emerged during the 1820s to both criticism and acclaim, becoming part of the physical and intellectual fabric of the age and inspiring a nationwide building programme funded entirely by public subscription. Beginning with a handful of examples in major British cities, they eventually spread across the Anglophone world. They were at the forefront of public engagement with arts, science and technology. This thesis is a history of the mechanics’ institute movement in the British Isles from the 1820s through to the late 1860s, when State involvement in areas previously dominated by private enterprises such as mechanics’ institutes, for example library provision and elementary schooling, became more pronounced. The existing historiography on mechanics’ institutes is primarily regional in scope and this thesis breaks new ground by synthesising a national perspective on their wider social, political and cultural histories. It contributes to these broader themes, as well as areas as diverse as educational history, the history of public exhibition and public spaces, visual culture, print culture, popular literacy and literature (including literature generated by the Institutes themselves, such as poetry and prose composed by members), financial services, education in cultural and aesthetic judgement, Institutes as sources of protest by means of Parliamentary petitions, economic history, and the nature, theory and practice of the popular dissemination of ideas. These advances free the thesis from ongoing debate around the success or failure of mechanics’ institutes, allowing the emphasis to be on the experiential history of the “living” Institute. The diverse source base for the thesis includes art, sculpture, poetry and memoir alongside such things as economic data, library loan statistics, membership numbers and profit / loss accounts from institute reports. The methodology therefore incorporates qualitative (for example, tracing the evolution of attitudes towards Institutes in contemporary culture by analysing the language used to describe them over time) and quantitative (for example, exploring Institutes as providers of financial services to working people) techniques. For the first time, mechanics’ institutes are studied in relation to political corruption, debates concerning the morality of literature and literacy during the nineteenth century, and the legislative processes of the period.

Communities which have been characterised by migrancy for a long period of time, such as the Xhosa and the Italians considered in this paper, develop sets 6f terms which describe migrants. The Xhosa have varied criteria for their categories, e.g. amajoyini - those on contract to mainly the mining and construction industries; abafuduga - those who deliberately sell up and go elsewhere; amagoduka - those who intend to return home; imfiki - impoverished migrants from white owned farms. Italians tend to view the crossing of international boundaries as the essence of migration and classify their migrants by the state in which they work e.g. Inglesi, Americani, rather than by the more complex terminology of the Xhosa. Some terms are simply descriptions, others are categories with wider connotations, into which people place others and themselves. As far as possible we shall use the peoples' own categories, which define their relationships to "home", the region to which they migrate and to migrancy as a way of life, as these have important implications for what happens at home. / Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

This thesis examines the emergence and development of the African working class in Durban between 1959 and 1985. It begins with an analysis of Durban's economy, which significantly changed .the lives of Africans. It shows how, during an era of economic boom, of intensive state repres•ion and unparalleled social engineering, the state intervened in the shaping of the African community and created the oppressive setting of the African working class, which was to pose the greatest challenge to the established order. The forced removals of the underclasses to the newly established apartheid townships during the late 1950s and early 1960s had a profound influence on the social and political history of this working class. Once African trade unions had been crippled and formal oppositional politics crushed, South African industrial relations enjoyed relative "peace" which was disturbed by the covert forms of worker resistance. In the 1970s the economic position of Durban's African working class was rather tenuous, as earnings had remained static since the 1960s despite the booming economy. Because of this, urban workers felt social and economic pressures from both apartheid and capitalism and responded in a way that shocked both employers and the government. In January 1973 Durban was rocked by strikes, which broke the silence of the 1960s when the South African Congress of Trade Unions declined and the African National Congress and Pan-African Congress were banned. The outbreak of the 1973 Durban strikes marked a new beginning in the labour history and industrial relations of Durban and South Africa in general. A new blend of African independent trade unions emerged with their distinctive style of organisation. They focused on factory-based issues which reaped benefits for the workers in the long-run and managed to sustain pressure from both the state and employers. During this period, however, the African working class paid a high price, enduring miserable conditions, earning wages below the poverty line, experiencing a breakdown in family structure, and living with crime and violence, police repression and the criminalisation of much social and economic life. By 1985, these unions had established themselves so firmly that the state regarded them as a serious challenge. Indeed, the making of Durban's African working class was no easy task and its history shows suffering, change, mobility and accomplishment. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T16:15:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EDSON JOSE BARBOSA.pdf: 615893 bytes, checksum: 53235f8126c1027ac864a3f1c9ce96b3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-27 / The increasing ease of access to higher education and the need for a broader training led workers with high school and attend the technical academic space that had always held that the right of a small ruling elite leadership trainer. The purpose of this paper is to analyze how the relation of the common laborer with the academic world of universities really influences the working relationships of the Working Class in the factory. A survey in the form of Poll Workers was conducted with the ABC metalworkers to the survey data, taking into account the year to March 1996 with reference to the initial years of the promulgation of LDB 9394/96, in helping to draft the new profile Class of Workers of the ABC region and checking the possible contributions made by the Workers who have completed or are enrolled in college. / A facilidade crescente de acesso à Educação Superior e a necessidade de uma formação profissional mais ampla levaram operários com ensino médio e técnico a frequentar o espaço acadêmico, lugar que fora sempre o direito de uma pequena elite formadora da liderança dominante. O intuito deste trabalho é analisar como a relação do operário comum com o mundo acadêmico das universidades realmente influencia as relações de trabalho da Classe Operária na fábrica. Uma pesquisa em forma de enquete operária foi realizada junto aos metalúrgicos do ABC para o levantamento de dados, levando em consideração o ano de 1996 como marco inicial, tendo como referência o ano da promulgação da LDB 9394/96, ajudando-nos a delinear o novo perfil da Classe Operária do ABC paulista e verificando as possíveis contribuições dadas pelos operários que concluíram ou estão cursando o Ensino Superior.