Chapter I includes a description of the Chartist Movement and discusses the criteria found in John W. Bowers and Donovan J. Och's Rhetoric of Agitation and Control that were used to analyze the agitation and control groups of the movement. Chapter II describes the ideologies of both groups. Chapter III analyzes the rhetorical strategies of the agitation group: petition, solidification, promulgation, polarization, non-violent resistance, and confrontation-escalation, and the strategies of the control group: avoidance and suppression. Chapter IV concludes that Chartist agitators effectively used rhetorical strategies; however, the control strategy of suppression was stronger and brought about the demise of Chartism.

La thèse examine la relation entre le mouvement ouvrier français et le cinéma au début du XXe siècle, plus précisément de 1895 à 1914. Elle s’articule autour de l’expérience spécifique de la coopérative Cinéma du Peuple, qui a duré d’octobre 1913 à juillet 1914. La coopérative Cinéma du Peuple participa à l’adhésion d’une partie des militants aux ressources du cinéma, sensible à partir de 1909, date à laquelle le processus d’industrialisation du film en France était déjà très avancé. Transmise au-delà de 1914, l’expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, première tentative ouvrière organisée d’appropriation du cinéma, a posé les fondements d’un nouveau terrain d’intervention en vue d’une hégémonie dans le champ culturel prolongée jusqu’à nos jours. L’hypothèse est que le public – catégorie d’analyse dans une échelle alternative de celle de masse, ou de spectateur – a montré, avec l’expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, qu’il n’est pas, par nature et de façon irrévocable, prisonnier des films commerciaux et des intérêts des distributeurs. À partir des notions de répertoire d’action, et de l’expérience de la domination idéologique par le cinéma commercial, nous nous efforçons de cerner les contours de ce public, pour partie confondu avec celui du mouvement ouvrier, notamment au moyen des trajectoires collectives et individuelles des initiateurs, propagandistes du Cinéma du Peuple et de ses spectateurs. En même temps, nous nous proposons de montrer à partir de l’analyse des films du Cinéma du Peuple le début de la formation d’un nouveau mode de représentation du monde ouvrier. / A tese examina a relação entre o movimento operário francês e o cinema no período de 1895 a 1914. Concentra-se na experiência da cooperativa Cinema do Povo que, tendo surgido em uma franca aproximação dos militantes com o cinema desde 1909, quando o processo industrialização do cinema na França já estava avançado, durou de outubro de 1913 a julho 1914. Transmitida para além de 1914, a experiência do Cinema do Povo, primeira tentativa organizada da classe trabalhadora de apropriação do cinema, lançou as bases de uma nova forma de intervenção frente à hegemonia do cinema comercial que se estende até os dias atuais. A hipótese é que o público – categoria de análise em escala alternativa à massa ou espectador – mostrou, com a experiência do Cinema do Povo, que não é de forma natural e irrevogável prisioneiro dos filmes comerciais e dos interesses dos distribuidores. A partir dos conceitos de repertório de ação, e a ideia de experiência da dominação ideológica do cinema comercial, nos esforçamos em identificar os contornos desse público que se identifica no movimento operário, principalmente por meio das trajetórias coletivas e individuais dos militantes. Ao mesmo tempo, temos a intenção de apresentar, a partir da análise dos filmes do Cinema do Povo, o início da formação de um novo modo de representação da classe trabalhadora. / The thesis examines the relationship between the French working class movement and the cinema at the beginning of the 20th century, specifically from 1895 to 1914. It focuses on the specific experience of the cooperative Cinéma du Peuple, which lasted from October 1913 to July 1914. The cooperative Cinéma du Peuple took part of militant cinema in France, wich was barely begun from 1909 on when the industrialization process of the film in France was already advanced. Transmitted beyond 1914, the experience of the Cinéma du Peuple, first working class movement organized attempt to film appropriation, laid the foundations of a new ground of intervention in a prolonged hegemony in the cultural field until the present days. The assumption is that the public – a category of analysis in an alternative scale than mass or spectator – showed, with the experience of Cinéma du Peuple, that it is not by nature and so irrevocable way a prisoner of the commercial films and the interests of distributors. From the concepts of repertoire of contention, and the experience of the ideological domination of commercial cinema, we strive to identify the contours of that public, partly coincident with the working class movement, mostly through collective and individual militants’ trajectories, propagandists of the Cinéma du Peuple and its public. At the same time, we intend to bring from the analysis of the Cinéma du Peuple’s films the beginning of the formation of a new mode of representation of the working class.

<p>The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.</p>

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.

La thèse examine la relation entre le mouvement ouvrier français et le cinéma au début du XXe siècle, plus précisément de 1895 à 1914. Elle s’articule autour de l’expérience spécifique de la coopérative Cinéma du Peuple, qui a duré d’octobre 1913 à juillet 1914. La coopérative Cinéma du Peuple participa à l’adhésion d’une partie des militants aux ressources du cinéma, sensible à partir de 1909, date à laquelle le processus d’industrialisation du film en France était déjà très avancé. Transmise au-delà de 1914, l’expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, première tentative ouvrière organisée d’appropriation du cinéma, a posé les fondements d’un nouveau terrain d’intervention en vue d’une hégémonie dans le champ culturel prolongée jusqu’à nos jours. L’hypothèse est que le public – catégorie d’analyse dans une échelle alternative de celle de masse, ou de spectateur – a montré, avec l’expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, qu’il n’est pas, par nature et de façon irrévocable, prisonnier des films commerciaux et des intérêts des distributeurs. À partir des notions de répertoire d’action, et de l’expérience de la domination idéologique par le cinéma commercial, nous nous efforçons de cerner les contours de ce public, pour partie confondu avec celui du mouvement ouvrier, notamment au moyen des trajectoires collectives et individuelles des initiateurs, propagandistes du Cinéma du Peuple et de ses spectateurs. En même temps, nous nous proposons de montrer à partir de l’analyse des films du Cinéma du Peuple le début de la formation d’un nouveau mode de représentation du monde ouvrier. / A tese examina a relação entre o movimento operário francês e o cinema no período de 1895 a 1914. Concentra-se na experiência da cooperativa Cinema do Povo que, tendo surgido em uma franca aproximação dos militantes com o cinema desde 1909, quando o processo industrialização do cinema na França já estava avançado, durou de outubro de 1913 a julho 1914. Transmitida para além de 1914, a experiência do Cinema do Povo, primeira tentativa organizada da classe trabalhadora de apropriação do cinema, lançou as bases de uma nova forma de intervenção frente à hegemonia do cinema comercial que se estende até os dias atuais. A hipótese é que o público – categoria de análise em escala alternativa à massa ou espectador – mostrou, com a experiência do Cinema do Povo, que não é de forma natural e irrevogável prisioneiro dos filmes comerciais e dos interesses dos distribuidores. A partir dos conceitos de repertório de ação, e a ideia de experiência da dominação ideológica do cinema comercial, nos esforçamos em identificar os contornos desse público que se identifica no movimento operário, principalmente por meio das trajetórias coletivas e individuais dos militantes. Ao mesmo tempo, temos a intenção de apresentar, a partir da análise dos filmes do Cinema do Povo, o início da formação de um novo modo de representação da classe trabalhadora. / The thesis examines the relationship between the French working class movement and the cinema at the beginning of the 20th century, specifically from 1895 to 1914. It focuses on the specific experience of the cooperative Cinéma du Peuple, which lasted from October 1913 to July 1914. The cooperative Cinéma du Peuple took part of militant cinema in France, wich was barely begun from 1909 on when the industrialization process of the film in France was already advanced. Transmitted beyond 1914, the experience of the Cinéma du Peuple, first working class movement organized attempt to film appropriation, laid the foundations of a new ground of intervention in a prolonged hegemony in the cultural field until the present days. The assumption is that the public – a category of analysis in an alternative scale than mass or spectator – showed, with the experience of Cinéma du Peuple, that it is not by nature and so irrevocable way a prisoner of the commercial films and the interests of distributors. From the concepts of repertoire of contention, and the experience of the ideological domination of commercial cinema, we strive to identify the contours of that public, partly coincident with the working class movement, mostly through collective and individual militants’ trajectories, propagandists of the Cinéma du Peuple and its public. At the same time, we intend to bring from the analysis of the Cinéma du Peuple’s films the beginning of the formation of a new mode of representation of the working class.

La thèse examine la relation entre le mouvement ouvrier français et le cinéma au début du XXe siècle, plus précisément de 1895 à 1914. Elle s’articule autour de l’expérience spécifique de la coopérative Cinéma du Peuple, qui a duré d’octobre 1913 à juillet 1914. La coopérative Cinéma du Peuple participa à l’adhésion d’une partie des militants aux ressources du cinéma, sensible à partir de 1909, date à laquelle le processus d’industrialisation du film en France était déjà très avancé. Transmise au-delà de 1914, l’expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, première tentative ouvrière organisée d’appropriation du cinéma, a posé les fondements d’un nouveau terrain d’intervention en vue d’une hégémonie dans le champ culturel prolongée jusqu’à nos jours. L’hypothèse est que le public – catégorie d’analyse dans une échelle alternative de celle de masse, ou de spectateur – a montré, avec l’expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, qu’il n’est pas, par nature et de façon irrévocable, prisonnier des films commerciaux et des intérêts des distributeurs. À partir des notions de répertoire d’action, et de l’expérience de la domination idéologique par le cinéma commercial, nous nous efforçons de cerner les contours de ce public, pour partie confondu avec celui du mouvement ouvrier, notamment au moyen des trajectoires collectives et individuelles des initiateurs, propagandistes du Cinéma du Peuple et de ses spectateurs. En même temps, nous nous proposons de montrer à partir de l’analyse des films du Cinéma du Peuple le début de la formation d’un nouveau mode de représentation du monde ouvrier. / A tese examina a relação entre o movimento operário francês e o cinema no período de 1895 a 1914. Concentra-se na experiência da cooperativa Cinema do Povo que, tendo surgido em uma franca aproximação dos militantes com o cinema desde 1909, quando o processo industrialização do cinema na França já estava avançado, durou de outubro de 1913 a julho 1914. Transmitida para além de 1914, a experiência do Cinema do Povo, primeira tentativa organizada da classe trabalhadora de apropriação do cinema, lançou as bases de uma nova forma de intervenção frente à hegemonia do cinema comercial que se estende até os dias atuais. A hipótese é que o público – categoria de análise em escala alternativa à massa ou espectador – mostrou, com a experiência do Cinema do Povo, que não é de forma natural e irrevogável prisioneiro dos filmes comerciais e dos interesses dos distribuidores. A partir dos conceitos de repertório de ação, e a ideia de experiência da dominação ideológica do cinema comercial, nos esforçamos em identificar os contornos desse público que se identifica no movimento operário, principalmente por meio das trajetórias coletivas e individuais dos militantes. Ao mesmo tempo, temos a intenção de apresentar, a partir da análise dos filmes do Cinema do Povo, o início da formação de um novo modo de representação da classe trabalhadora. / The thesis examines the relationship between the French working class movement and the cinema at the beginning of the 20th century, specifically from 1895 to 1914. It focuses on the specific experience of the cooperative Cinéma du Peuple, which lasted from October 1913 to July 1914. The cooperative Cinéma du Peuple took part of militant cinema in France, wich was barely begun from 1909 on when the industrialization process of the film in France was already advanced. Transmitted beyond 1914, the experience of the Cinéma du Peuple, first working class movement organized attempt to film appropriation, laid the foundations of a new ground of intervention in a prolonged hegemony in the cultural field until the present days. The assumption is that the public – a category of analysis in an alternative scale than mass or spectator – showed, with the experience of Cinéma du Peuple, that it is not by nature and so irrevocable way a prisoner of the commercial films and the interests of distributors. From the concepts of repertoire of contention, and the experience of the ideological domination of commercial cinema, we strive to identify the contours of that public, partly coincident with the working class movement, mostly through collective and individual militants’ trajectories, propagandists of the Cinéma du Peuple and its public. At the same time, we intend to bring from the analysis of the Cinéma du Peuple’s films the beginning of the formation of a new mode of representation of the working class.

(in English): This work deals with the formation of party historiography in fifties and sixties of the twentieth century. It examines this issue in two ways. The first level is the institutionalization of party historiography at Faculty of Arts of Charles University. Establishment, development and abolition of the department of the History of the Communist party (History of Working class movement) is explored with focusing on key turning points in 1953 (establishment of the department), 1958 (restriction of teaching staff), 1964 (reorganization, merger and establishment of the department of the History of Working class movement) and 1970 (abolition of the department). Teaching staff is examined and attention is paid to the efforts to create typological profile of chair historians, who were part of emerging generation of party historians. The second level of the research is the participation of party historians in shaping and formulating new historical narratives, that provided legitimazing framework of communist project to social transformation. Attention is paid to possibilities and limits of party historiography in social and political context and its methodological base is also examined. The development of party historiography is divided into three phases - the phase of stalinist discourse, the...

La thèse examine la relation entre le mouvement ouvrier français et le cinéma au début du XXe siècle, plus précisément de 1895 à 1914. Elle s'articule autour de l'expérience spécifique de la coopérative Cinéma du Peuple, qui a duré d'octobre 1913 à juillet 1914. La coopérative Cinéma du Peuple participa à l'adhésion d'une partie des militants aux ressources du cinéma, sensible à partir de 1909, date à laquelle le processus d'industrialisation du film en France était déjà très avancé. Transmise au-delà de 1914, l'expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, première tentative ouvrière organisée d'appropriation du cinéma, a posé les fondements d'un nouveau terrain d'intervention en vue d'une hégémonie dans le champ culturel prolongée jusqu'à nos jours. L'hypothèse est que le public -catégorie d'analyse dans une échelle alternative de celle de masse, ou de spectateur -a montré, avec l'expérience du Cinéma du Peuple, qu'il n'est pas, par nature et de façon in-évocable, prisonnier des films commerciaux et des intérêts des distributeurs. À partir des notions de répertoire d'action, et de l'expérience de la domination idéologique par le cinéma commercial, nous nous efforçons de cerner les contours de ce public, pour partie confondu avec celui du mouvement ouvrier, notamment au moyen des trajectoires collectives et individuelles des initiateurs, propagandistes du Cinéma du Peuple et de ses spectateurs. En même temps, nous nous proposons de montrer à partir de l'analyse des films du Cinéma du Peuple le début de la formation d'un nouveau mode de représentation du monde ouvrier. / The thesis examines the relationship between the French working class movement and the cinema at the beginning of the 20th century, specifically from 1895 to 1914. 1t focuses on the specific experience of the cooperative Cinéma du Peuple, which lasted from October 1913 to July 1914. The cooperative Cinéma du Peuple took part of militant cinema in France, which was barely begun from 1909 on when the industrialization process of the film in France was already advanced. Transmitted beyond 1914, the experience of the Cinéma du Peuple, first working class movement organized attempt to film appropriation, laid the foundations of a new ground of intervention in a prolonged hegemony in the cultural field until the present days. The assumption is that the public - a category of analysis in an alternative scale than mass or spectator - showed, with the experience of Cinéma du Peuple, that it is not by nature and so irrevocable way a prisoner of the commercial films and the interests of distributors. From the concepts of repertoire of contention, and the experience of the ideological domination of commercial cinema, we strive to identify the contours of that public, partly coïncident with the working class movement, mostly through collective and individual militants' trajectories, propagandists of the Cinéma du Peuple and its public. At the same time, we intend to bring from the analysis of the Cinéma du Peuple's films the beginning of the formation of a new mode of representation of the working class.

<p>This is a dissertation about Swedish liberalism as a political rationality and, more specifically, the conditions that made the transition from an exclusionary society to an inclusive one possible at the beginning of the 20th century. I have made a case study of National Association of Social Work (Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete, CSA), an association that played a significant role in the institutionalization of social politics in Sweden. The objectives are threefold. Firstly, to analyze CSA as a liberal political rationality. Secondly, to analyze its political ontology. Thirdly, to examine its motives for defending an including society.</p><p>One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that the political rationality of CSA is characterized by a form of government that works in and through society, as well as through freedom. By using the concept of ”the state of suspension” I try to capture and analyze the ontological ambiguity of the individual in liberal thought; an ambiguity expressed in biopolitical categorizations of the population according to perceived capacities for rational thought. The inclusion of the excluded part, which I describe through the notion of “the social”, was possible due to a new political ontology, which considered the individual as being a product of social circumstances, and as someone possible to shape and govern in and through society. </p><p>I argue that the political struggle of the excluded not only served to revise the political ontology of CSA, but also provided the rationale for the efforts to create an including society with universal suffrage. CSA did not regard citizenship as a right, but as a political technology and as a solution. Furthermore, I argue that citizenship shouldn’t be seen as a prerequisite for the politization of the excluded. On the contrary, this part of the population was already, at least partially, politicized and they became political subjects through their participation in the struggle for political rights.</p>

This is a dissertation about Swedish liberalism as a political rationality and, more specifically, the conditions that made the transition from an exclusionary society to an inclusive one possible at the beginning of the 20th century. I have made a case study of National Association of Social Work (Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete, CSA), an association that played a significant role in the institutionalization of social politics in Sweden. The objectives are threefold. Firstly, to analyze CSA as a liberal political rationality. Secondly, to analyze its political ontology. Thirdly, to examine its motives for defending an including society. One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that the political rationality of CSA is characterized by a form of government that works in and through society, as well as through freedom. By using the concept of ”the state of suspension” I try to capture and analyze the ontological ambiguity of the individual in liberal thought; an ambiguity expressed in biopolitical categorizations of the population according to perceived capacities for rational thought. The inclusion of the excluded part, which I describe through the notion of “the social”, was possible due to a new political ontology, which considered the individual as being a product of social circumstances, and as someone possible to shape and govern in and through society. I argue that the political struggle of the excluded not only served to revise the political ontology of CSA, but also provided the rationale for the efforts to create an including society with universal suffrage. CSA did not regard citizenship as a right, but as a political technology and as a solution. Furthermore, I argue that citizenship shouldn’t be seen as a prerequisite for the politization of the excluded. On the contrary, this part of the population was already, at least partially, politicized and they became political subjects through their participation in the struggle for political rights.