<p> This dissertation explores the recent history and politics of the formation of the center or middle as the sovereign horizon of contemporary political practice and history. The political center has typically been imagined as the space between the two poles of Left and Right. Rather than beginning with an assumption of the political center's absolute relativity-a history absorbed by infinitely contingent contexts-this thesis understands centrism as itself a political position: a plural, yet relatively stable complex of meanings in urgent need of problematization. Guided methodologically by the work of Michel Foucault and Frederic Jameson, the thesis grounds this analysis in a reading of The Economist magazine between the years 1950-2007. A self-identified advocate of the "extreme center", the magazine functions as a primary archive through which to document shifts in the constitution of an historically-specific centrism, a political position with significant global traces and consequences.</p> <p> In the Introduction the basic theoretical coordinates of the center as a metaphor, concept and political fantasy are unpacked against the backdrop of a broader diagnostics of the present. Chapter 1 addresses itself to the Keynesian centrism prevalent in the years immediately following the war in Britain, one characterized primarily by ideas about balance, consensus, and moderation. Chapter 2 follows the content of this discourse across the break-down of post-war growth and its subsequent identification with "radical" Thatcherism. In Chapter 3, the contradictions accumulated in this shift from a thematics of caution to one emphasizing a radical break with consensus, are examined through the figure of the heretical manager, the pragmatist who presides over the inherently revolutionary fabric of capitalist space and innovation. Finally, the conclusion thinks through the ways in which the radical center functions within a broader cultural sensation of middleness very much a basic part of life in postmodern societies.</p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This Masters thesis conducts an ideological critique of the way 'the global' is constructed conceptually, particularly by transformative politics and the anti/alter global left. In addition it attempts to foreground the importance of ontological inquiry as an essential component of effective ideological critique. It has four chapters(plus an intro and conclusion); The first chapter looks at the ways that globality is currently constructed conceptually, both as an object of study by academia, and as an object of intervention by the global left. The analysis and critique in this chapter will establish the need for an ontologically informed approach to globality. The second chapter explores the precise meaning of the term 'ontology' as well as some of its common misuses by social science. It will focus on examining the ways that ontology is inherently political, and can be infiltrated by ideology. The third chapter draws heavily from the work of Zizek to develop a theoretical model for understanding the ontological production of globality, and how ideology is implicated. The fourth chapter attempts to take the conclusions from the theoretical model and use them to suggest alternative approaches to globality which might better the prospects for an effective transformative `global` politics. In particular this chapter draws heavily upon the Deleuzean notion of Immanence.

This Masters thesis conducts an ideological critique of the way 'the global' is constructed conceptually, particularly by transformative politics and the anti/alter global left. In addition it attempts to foreground the importance of ontological inquiry as an essential component of effective ideological critique. It has four chapters(plus an intro and conclusion); The first chapter looks at the ways that globality is currently constructed conceptually, both as an object of study by academia, and as an object of intervention by the global left. The analysis and critique in this chapter will establish the need for an ontologically informed approach to globality. The second chapter explores the precise meaning of the term 'ontology' as well as some of its common misuses by social science. It will focus on examining the ways that ontology is inherently political, and can be infiltrated by ideology. The third chapter draws heavily from the work of Zizek to develop a theoretical model for understanding the ontological production of globality, and how ideology is implicated. The fourth chapter attempts to take the conclusions from the theoretical model and use them to suggest alternative approaches to globality which might better the prospects for an effective transformative `global` politics. In particular this chapter draws heavily upon the Deleuzean notion of Immanence.

This Masters thesis conducts an ideological critique of the way 'the global' is constructed conceptually, particularly by transformative politics and the anti/alter global left. In addition it attempts to foreground the importance of ontological inquiry as an essential component of effective ideological critique. It has four chapters(plus an intro and conclusion); The first chapter looks at the ways that globality is currently constructed conceptually, both as an object of study by academia, and as an object of intervention by the global left. The analysis and critique in this chapter will establish the need for an ontologically informed approach to globality. The second chapter explores the precise meaning of the term 'ontology' as well as some of its common misuses by social science. It will focus on examining the ways that ontology is inherently political, and can be infiltrated by ideology. The third chapter draws heavily from the work of Zizek to develop a theoretical model for understanding the ontological production of globality, and how ideology is implicated. The fourth chapter attempts to take the conclusions from the theoretical model and use them to suggest alternative approaches to globality which might better the prospects for an effective transformative `global` politics. In particular this chapter draws heavily upon the Deleuzean notion of Immanence.

This Masters thesis conducts an ideological critique of the way 'the global' is constructed conceptually, particularly by transformative politics and the anti/alter global left. In addition it attempts to foreground the importance of ontological inquiry as an essential component of effective ideological critique. It has four chapters(plus an intro and conclusion); The first chapter looks at the ways that globality is currently constructed conceptually, both as an object of study by academia, and as an object of intervention by the global left. The analysis and critique in this chapter will establish the need for an ontologically informed approach to globality. The second chapter explores the precise meaning of the term 'ontology' as well as some of its common misuses by social science. It will focus on examining the ways that ontology is inherently political, and can be infiltrated by ideology. The third chapter draws heavily from the work of Zizek to develop a theoretical model for understanding the ontological production of globality, and how ideology is implicated. The fourth chapter attempts to take the conclusions from the theoretical model and use them to suggest alternative approaches to globality which might better the prospects for an effective transformative `global` politics. In particular this chapter draws heavily upon the Deleuzean notion of Immanence.

With its myriad of relationships, my study considers the Laich-Kwil-Tach enlivened world in which multiple beings bring meaning and understanding to life. Through exploration of Laich-Kwil-Tach ontology I engage with the theoretical concepts of animism, historical ecology and political ecology, in what I call relational ecology. Here, I examine the divide between the relational world and what Western ontology considers a natural resource; fish. Through an analysis of ethnographic texts I work to elucidate the 19th-century human-fish relationship and through collaboration with Laich-Kwil-Tach Elders, based on Vancouver Island on the Northwest Coast of North America, I seek to understand how the 19th-century enlivened world informs 21st-century Laich-Kwil-Tach ontology. In this ethnographic and ethnohistorical account of the relationship between Laich-Kwil-Tach people and fish I grapple with the question of how, within a framework of ontological difference, we can better understand foundations of Indigenous rights and find ways to respect and give agency to multiple forms of knowledge in practice. In the spirit of reconciliation, decolonization and a renewed understanding of ontological multiplicity we are challenged to create analytical frameworks that include both human and nonhuman interests and relationships. Doing so requires engagement with any number of ontological propositions and it requires a confrontation with hegemonic ontological assumptions inherent in the Western scientific, bureaucratic and legal paradigms. By accepting western-based science as one among many ways of producing knowledge, space is made for other forms of knowledge. In the process we are better able to respect Indigenous land and marine tenure systems, as well as the Indigenous right to maintain a long-standing and on-going relationship with other beings and all that this entails. / Graduate

Social Leaders in Colombia in their efforts to defend their territories and communities have been victims for years of threats, violence, and assassinations by some of the power structures present in the country. After the signing of the peace process Between the FARC and the government of Colombia in 2016, the situation has worsened. Social Leaders are catalysts for sustainable development and guaranteeing their protection is fundamental to the country's sustainable development goals. To analyze the situation the methodology applied was a critical discourse analysis, in which the thesis pursed was to understand the government's position and why this social wrong persists. With this aim, the thesis critically analyzed the texts of the government's development plan, tweets of the main channels of the national government, and the congressmen of the ruling party. The analysis indicated that the ideologies of the ruling party make it difficult to find solutions to wicked problems. In addition, the ideology of the governing party presented a combination of neoliberal, neo-conservative, and “caudillismo” discourses that make it difficult to see Social Leadersas potential solutions to problems and stigmatize them. Thus, increasing the risk of Social Leaders being attacked, threatened, or assassinated. The discussion indicates that the path to change requires a change in the polarized vision that the country has had in its history. It is discussed that change can be pursued through pluriverse. The pluriverse is required for the construction of a country that puts in the dialog different ontologies. The analysis proposed components of ontological politics as an option for the transition from the actual model to this pluriverse.

<p>The objective of this thesis is to intervene into the ongoing dispute surrounding the political import of Gilles Deleuze’s single-authored work, specifically <em>Difference and Repetition</em> and <em>The Logic of Sense</em>. This thesis presents an alternative explanation to the question of whether or not Deleuze’s philosophy is political. By situating the debate surrounding Deleuze’s political implications in the contemporary ontological turn in political theory, this thesis argues that Deleuze’s works can be considered to be political in the non-conventional sense of the term, that is, insofar as a conceptual distinction is made between <em>politics</em> and <em>the political</em>. I further argue that Deleuze’s univocal ontology influences a concept of <em>the political </em>that is immanent to his thought, and in this respect he can be said to present a <em>political ontology</em>. The reading of Deleuze’s political ontology addresses not only the common critiques of his philosophy as posed by thinkers such as Alain Badiou, Peter Hallward, and Slavoj Žižek, but also sheds light on the problematic relationship between philosophy and politics.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

The current enthusiasm for the original and radical democratic nature of Spinoza’s political philosophy is not easy to justify, given the elusive character of his few systematic remarks on democracy. But the Ethics as well as the political writings contain a substantial political theory centered on the figure of the multitudo (or people) that proves useful for current theorizing. It can help to conceive of democracy not only as form-of-state but as form-of-life; it might serve as the starting point for a conception of non-identitarian, “heterogeneous democracy”; and it can provide a model for understanding political philosophy as political ontology.

臺灣礦業採掘有關的政治環境衝突往往被概念化為治理問題。也就是說，治理政策產生的衝突，是由於礦業採掘活動中「收益分配、政治參與、透明度和原住民社區的就業機會」等四個指標。然而，在治理層面忽略了原住民族長期受到邊緣化的歷史過程以及持續接受殖民的統治的治理模式，因此本文的主要論述是， 礦業採掘活動有關的政治環境衝突並非源自 “治理” 問題， 而更重要的是，此問題本身超越了現行的政治體制架構，因為國家、礦業採掘公司、原住民部落之間在土地議題上顯現出不同的本質觀點，雙方在政治體制的範圍上，以及文化、社會體系上，兩者皆沒有共同之處，而基於這一論點，本研究將對於南澳泰雅族人土地議題的奮鬥案立加以研究。 / Political-environmental conflicts related to extractive industries in Taiwan tend to be conceptualized as problems of governance. These conflicts are generated from ill-designed policies that manage the distribution of revenues from extractive industries, formal political participation, transparency and employment opportunities for the indigenous community. The governance approach, however, does not take into account the history of marginalization and resistance of indigenous groups, or the permanence of colonial patterns of domination in Taiwan. The main argument of this paper is that the political-environmental conflicts related to extractive activities do not derive from problems of ‘governance’, but more significantly, they emerge as a consequence of divergences that transcend the current institutional framework. The different political ontologies among state, corporate, and the indigenous community over land revealed, each party operates within institutional parameters and socio-cultural systems which have nothing in common. This argument will be developed in the case study of the Atayal people’s territorial struggles in Nan’ao, Taiwan.