Obwohl sozio-territoriale Konflikte sich in vielfältigen Kämpfen um Ressourcen, Raum und Umweltbedingungen manifestieren können, vertritt diese Forschung die These, dass sozio-territoriale Konflikte nicht auf diese Aspekte beschränkt sind, sondern eine ontologische Dimension beinhalten. In diesem Sinne geht es im Golf von Tribugá um die Existenzbedingungen und die Interaktionen zwischen den bestehenden Entitäten entsprechend ihrer Ontologie sowie um die Rolle, die jede Entität bei der Konstituierung des Territoriums als eine entstehende und sich ständig verändernde Kategorie spielt. Um diesen ontologischen Disput zu verstehen, kontrastiert diese Arbeit die Unterschiede und Überschneidungen zwischen Developmentalismus - der jüngsten Manifestation des Projekts der westlichen Moderne -, nachhaltigem Developmentalismus und lokalen Lebensweisen, Interaktionen und Praktiken am Golf von Tribugá. Darüber hinaus zeigt die Untersuchung einige Strategien auf, mit denen lokale Kollektive sich bestimmte abstrakte Universalismen der Moderne aneignen, sie durch die Brille ihrer eigenen Erfahrungen transformieren und so ein transmodernes und interkulturelles Territorium gestalten und verwirklichen. Transmodernität und Interkulturalität als wirtschaftlicher, sozialer und politischer Horizont impliziert die Überwindung einer Vielzahl von Konzepten, die mit der europäischen Erkenntnistheorie in Verbindung gebracht werden und die derzeit weltweit eine hegemoniale Position einnehmen. Somit beinhaltet der Kampf für einen transmodernen und interkulturellen Horizont die Infragestellung einiger der erkenntnistheoretischen und ontologischen Grundlagen dessen, was gemeinhin als "Modernität" definiert wird. / Although socio-territorial conflicts might materialise through multiple struggles over resources, space and environmental conditions, the main argument of this research is that, rather than being limited to such resources or environmental conditions, socio-territorial disputes have an ontological dimension. With this in mind, what is at stake in the Gulf of Tribugá are the conditions of existence and the interactions between existing entities according to their ontology, as well as the role each entity plays in the constitution of the territory as an emerging and constantly changing category. To understand this ontological dispute, this research contrasts the differences and partial connections between developmentalism – the most recent manifestation of the project of western modernity – and local forms of inhabiting, interacting with and enacting the Gulf of Tribugá. On top of that, the research highlights some strategies through which local collectivities, by appropriating specific abstract universalisms of modernity and concretising them through the lenses of their own experiences, propose and enact a transmodern and intercultural territory. Transmodernity and interculturality as an economic, social and political horizon implies breaking up with most of the notions mainly associated with European epistemology, which are currently hegemonic all over the globe. Struggling towards a transmodern and intercultural horizon entails questioning some of the epistemological and ontological fundaments of what is commonly defined as “modernity”.

Though various obligations typically affect our behavior without being recognized, they have a substantial impact on how we operate as human beings. The relationships we have between, say, our parents when in their household obligate us to take out the trash at certain times and wash the dishes after dinner. The relationships we have between our closest friends often oblige us to hear them out when they have undergone a traumatic experience. Upon reflection, it may be easy to point out a number of the obligations which inform our social behavior. What is not so easy, however, is pointing out the foundation for such obligations. In this project I will explore the foundation of obligation, specifically political obligation. Through this exploration I will attempt to situation political obligation in the ontology of political actors. In particular, an analysis of liberal democracy and social democracy, and their ontological backgrounds, liberalism and communitarianism, will be utilized in order to elucidate both the usefulness and the location of political obligation. Ultimately, I will show how recourse to Marxism provides for a more robust account of political obligation.

<p>This is a dissertation about Swedish liberalism as a political rationality and, more specifically, the conditions that made the transition from an exclusionary society to an inclusive one possible at the beginning of the 20th century. I have made a case study of National Association of Social Work (Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete, CSA), an association that played a significant role in the institutionalization of social politics in Sweden. The objectives are threefold. Firstly, to analyze CSA as a liberal political rationality. Secondly, to analyze its political ontology. Thirdly, to examine its motives for defending an including society.</p><p>One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that the political rationality of CSA is characterized by a form of government that works in and through society, as well as through freedom. By using the concept of ”the state of suspension” I try to capture and analyze the ontological ambiguity of the individual in liberal thought; an ambiguity expressed in biopolitical categorizations of the population according to perceived capacities for rational thought. The inclusion of the excluded part, which I describe through the notion of “the social”, was possible due to a new political ontology, which considered the individual as being a product of social circumstances, and as someone possible to shape and govern in and through society. </p><p>I argue that the political struggle of the excluded not only served to revise the political ontology of CSA, but also provided the rationale for the efforts to create an including society with universal suffrage. CSA did not regard citizenship as a right, but as a political technology and as a solution. Furthermore, I argue that citizenship shouldn’t be seen as a prerequisite for the politization of the excluded. On the contrary, this part of the population was already, at least partially, politicized and they became political subjects through their participation in the struggle for political rights.</p>

This is a dissertation about Swedish liberalism as a political rationality and, more specifically, the conditions that made the transition from an exclusionary society to an inclusive one possible at the beginning of the 20th century. I have made a case study of National Association of Social Work (Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete, CSA), an association that played a significant role in the institutionalization of social politics in Sweden. The objectives are threefold. Firstly, to analyze CSA as a liberal political rationality. Secondly, to analyze its political ontology. Thirdly, to examine its motives for defending an including society. One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that the political rationality of CSA is characterized by a form of government that works in and through society, as well as through freedom. By using the concept of ”the state of suspension” I try to capture and analyze the ontological ambiguity of the individual in liberal thought; an ambiguity expressed in biopolitical categorizations of the population according to perceived capacities for rational thought. The inclusion of the excluded part, which I describe through the notion of “the social”, was possible due to a new political ontology, which considered the individual as being a product of social circumstances, and as someone possible to shape and govern in and through society. I argue that the political struggle of the excluded not only served to revise the political ontology of CSA, but also provided the rationale for the efforts to create an including society with universal suffrage. CSA did not regard citizenship as a right, but as a political technology and as a solution. Furthermore, I argue that citizenship shouldn’t be seen as a prerequisite for the politization of the excluded. On the contrary, this part of the population was already, at least partially, politicized and they became political subjects through their participation in the struggle for political rights.

La existencia o no de ancestros en la Amazonía indígena ha sidoobjeto de importantes debates. Sin embargo, los líderes de la región no dudan en llamar ‘ancestrales’ sus saberes, normas o territorios,en un sentido que, desde un punto de vista académico, puede parecer enigmático. «Ancestrales, pero… ¿con o sin ancestros?», preguntaría entonces, confuso, el antropólogo. En este artículo propongo aportar elementos de respuesta a estapregunta a través del caso peruano. Primero analizo cómo los líderes indígenas amazónicos, conectándose al circuito del derecho internacional, adoptan la noción jurídica de ‘posesión ancestral’ del territorio para adaptarla al ámbito político. Este planteamiento rinde cuenta de la generalización y uniformización reciente del vocablo ‘ancestral’ pero deja pendiente el problema de su eventual articulación con las cosmologías indígenas que pretende reflejar. Por eso, en la segunda parte, intento sondear sobre la pertinenciade la categoría de ‘ancestro’ en la Amazonía indígena, recordando brevemente el debate académico para ir definiendo en qué medida esta categoría puede cobrar sentido. A partir del testimonio de un experimentado líder awajún, la tercera parte permite, entonces, volver más explícitos los diferentes sentidos y planos referenciales que despliega la referencia a lo ancestral, mostrando cómo los indígenas amazónicos no solo adoptan elementos conceptuales y discursivos externos, sino que al mismo tiempo los transforman a partir de sus propias singularidades cosmológicas y perspectivas políticas. / The existence —or not— of the concept of ancestors in the indigenous Amazon has been the subject of much debate. However, regional leaders do not hesitate to call upon ‘ancestral’ knowledge, customs, or territories in the sense that, from an academic point of view, could appear enigmatic. «Ancestral, but… with or without ancestors?» is the question a confused anthropologist might ask. In this article, I propose to offer elements of a response to this question,based on a case study in Peru. First I analyze how Amazonian indigenous leaders, following international law, have adopted the legal notion of ‘ancestral possession’ of their territory to adapt it to the political sphere. This approach accounts for the recent generalization and uniformization of the term ‘ancestral’, but poses the problem of how it articulates with the indigenous cosmologies that it supposes to reflect. For this reason, I explore in the second section the pertinence of the category of ‘ancestor’ in the indigenous Amazon, briefly drawing upon the academic debate in order to define inwhat way this category takes on meaning. Based on testimony from an experienced Awajún leader, we thus return in the third section more explicitly to the different meanings and planes of reference that unfold when one uses the term ‘ancestral’, showing how Amazonian indigenous people not only adopt external conceptual elements and arguments, but also transform them based on their own cosmological singularities and political perspectives.