Este trabalho consiste numa análise do currículo de geografia vigente para o ensino fundamental II no estado de São Paulo, com o objetivo de refletir sobre a construção da geografia escolar inserida no documento da Proposta Curricular do Estado de São Paulo. A pesquisa foi direcionada para uma investigação do currículo de geografia, contextualizado nas transformações na educação brasileira e paulista, dentro de uma perspectiva neoliberal. Com isso, foi feita uma análise das teorias curriculares, dentro de um debate que incluiu as diversas concepções de currículo, da geografia e seu ensino, objetivando compreender a perspectiva teórico-metodológica inserida no documento, além da compreensão de sua gênese e as implicações contidas no processo político-educativo em relação a esse novo currículo. A partir dessa proposta, observamos que o ensino de geografia é imposto as comunidades escolares, com concepções contraditórias, voltadas para uma educação orientada por organismos multilaterais como o Banco Mundial, trazendo um ensino e aprendizagem baseados no indivíduo, numa perspectiva empresarial de educação, ocultando e descaracterizando fundamentos essenciais para uma organização curricular que valorize ações que privilegiem realmente o papel do homem como sujeito histórico. / This work is an analysis of the current geography curriculum for Basic School in São Paulo state, in order to reflect on the construction of school geography included in the document \"Proposta Curricular do Estado São Paulo.\" The research has directed towards an investigation of the geography curriculum, contextual changes in education in Brazil and Sao Paulo within a neoliberal perspective. With this, an analysis of curriculum theories, in a debate which included the various conceptions of curriculum, and teaching of geography in order to understand the theoretical-methodological inserted into the document, beyond the understanding of its genesis and implications contained political-educational process in relation to this new curriculum. On this basis, weve observed that the teaching of geography is imposed school communities, with contradictory views, facing an education guided by multilateral agencies like the World Bank, bringing a teaching and learning based on individual education from a business perspective, hiding and characterizing the essential foundations for a curriculum that values actions that actually favor the role of man as a historical subject.

This thesis presents estimates of capital flight from Ukraine in the period 1994 to 2017. We use the World Bank Residual method to calculate capital flight as a residual difference between sources and uses of funds in the economy. Our findings show that pre-2014, capital flight amounted to 7.5 billion USD on average. On the contrary, in 2014 our method reports unrecorded capital inflow of 10.7 billion USD, which took place in times of economic recession and military conflict in the east of Ukraine. We analyze the factors that might have caused reverse capital flight, and consider that increase in remittance flows, growth of the black currency market and new niches in the underground economy might have had an effect on unrecorded capital inflows. Finally, we study the components of the World Bank Residual method, and suggest that capital flight might have taken forms that the method doesn't encompass. Therefore, we underline the importance of accounting for gaps in the method by adding trade misinvoicing estimates to capital flight volumes. Keywords Ukraine, Capital Flight, World Bank Residual Method, Balance of Payments, Shadow Economy Range of thesis: 89 886 Characters

This research project aims to determine Indonesian business leaders perceptions of G7 behaviour towards Indonesia after Independence (1945/1949), at a time when the country is experiencing a severe financial and economic crisis (1997-2001). Is G7 behaviour considered colonial, economic rationalist, or collegial? Additionally, Indonesian business leaders' perceptions of economic and social development in Indonesia are measured, exploring a possible connection with perception of G7 behaviour. Within the context of this project, the researcher assumes that attitudes in Indonesia are significantly shaped by the impact of' an increasingly competitive and sophisticated global free-trade environment today versus one of exploitation and domination under past European colonial rule. The research questions on which the project is based emerged after detailed consideration of a large and varied number of publications concerning related historical and contemporary socio-economic, political issues and examination of recent inter-country comparative performance indicators (1996 to 2000). The background for the research project is framed within the context of Modern World-Systems theory which rose to prominence in the early 1970s, earlier theories about Intentional Underdevelopment, Dependency and Geography, and the more recent hypothesis on Enlightenment and Institutions theory, all attempting to explain why some countries are so poor and others are not. An exploratory study (Study 1) precedes the positivist research paradigm of the principal study (Study 2 - Stages 1 & 2), which is comprised of a pilot and a final stage. / The theoretical model put forward and corresponding final stage VIII cross-sectional survey data of the second study are subjected to structural equation modeling (SEM) analysis, to test hypotheses and theory about the associations between theoretical constructs of the model. SEM is a relatively new multivariate technique, which combines aspects of multiple regression and factor analysis. The results of the research show that the impact of colonial rule; the associated exploitation and consequent poverty are still remembered by Indonesian business leaders and as such may have the potential to negatively impact on bi-lateral and multi-lateral negotiations for much needed structural reform in Indonesia, particularly if key influential participants (such as the G7 and the international institutions they control) ignore historical legacies and associated cross-cultural sensitivities. Final stage results provided strong support for two out of the five key hypotheses offered. The findings clearly suggesting that intensifying G7 behaviour as defined in this thesis would invariably further heighten existing perceptions of colonial behaviour. Less encouraging test results were obtained for the remaining hypotheses and overall only qualified support could be given to the proposed theory. / The extent of which can be summarized as: "G7 behaviour is perceived as colonial, by Indonesian business leaders, and is significantly influenced by their perception of social development in Indonesia ". The research project was conceived in the absence of scholarly investigations into the historical impact of colonialism in Indonesia on present day attitudes and cultural values with respect to ready acceptance of predominantly Western concepts of globalisation, free trade, open markets and the need for crucial reform. Reforms, which often are imposed on developing nations during times of crisis by way of IMF - Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP), harshly impacting on local populations.

The World Bank is one of the most powerful institutions in the world. And it is charged with some of the world’s most important goals, at least in rhetoric. The World Bank’s mission is “A World Free of Poverty”. World Bank rhetoric now sees the institution embrace such goals as ‘poverty alleviation’, ‘environmental sustainability’, ‘gendermainstreaming’, ‘good governance’, and ‘partnerships for development’. These claims demand critical analysis so that the reality of the Bank’s agenda and work can be deciphered from its rhetoric. To that end, this research critically examines the World Bank’s rhetoric and strategies for engaging NGOs in what it describes as a ‘partnership for development’.¶ The World Bank, in the past two decades, has been at the receiving end of an increasing critical commentary, much of which emerges from the Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). In response the World Bank has started opening its doors, slowly at first, and then with increasing rigour, the Bank sought to intensify its dialogue with NGOs. Its tone is conciliatory towards NGOs, giving the appearance of an institution that is willing to learn, willing to be moved, and willing to transform itself.¶ This thesis analyses literature and primary research gathered from fieldwork experience in Indonesia. In exploring the case study I unearth the ways in which the continuing neoliberal development agenda of the World Bank drives its NGO engagement strategies. I discuss questions such as, do dialogues with NGOs produce change to the World Bank and its development agenda, and if so then what is the nature of those changes? Might the building of relations with the World Bank cause NGOs and their agendas to be transformed whilst the Bank remains relatively unchanged? What is the gendered context of the relationship and how does this reinforce unequal relationships? The Indonesian case study provides the terrain upon which these questions will be explored. Exploring these questions makes evident what can be expected from the World Bank of its engagement with NGOs, in process and outcome. This, in turn, illuminates the agendas open for change and transformation at the Bank, the contested agendas, and the fundamental, non-negotiable and immutable agendas. In conclusion, this thesis reflects on the possibilities for change in the future.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Bonn, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [427]-467) and index.

<p>Monetary funding to developing countries is today accompanied by so called “Structural Adjustment Programs” (SAPs) imposed by the IMF and the World Bank, consisting of economical policy reforms that the countries have to undergo in order to be eligible for loans. The impact of these adjustment loans is widely criticized due to the negative effects observed. Our purpose is to investigate in depth why these adjustment programs have not delivered the expected results. We’ve found that there exist some undesirable consequences following SAP implementation that has a hindering effect on growth. These, combined with the complicate context in which the IMF and World Bank operates can be seen as the explanation for the adversity experienced.</p>

Monetary funding to developing countries is today accompanied by so called “Structural Adjustment Programs” (SAPs) imposed by the IMF and the World Bank, consisting of economical policy reforms that the countries have to undergo in order to be eligible for loans. The impact of these adjustment loans is widely criticized due to the negative effects observed. Our purpose is to investigate in depth why these adjustment programs have not delivered the expected results. We’ve found that there exist some undesirable consequences following SAP implementation that has a hindering effect on growth. These, combined with the complicate context in which the IMF and World Bank operates can be seen as the explanation for the adversity experienced.

Background: The implementation of structural adjustment programs (SAPs) in low to middle income (LMICs) has been followed by a marked reduction in their progress on economic growth, social indicators and health outcomes. Comprehensive and contextualized explorations of the effects of SAPs are needed to assist health and social policy-makers in better determining responses to such programs that continue to dominate global trade, aid and debt cancellation negotiations.<p>Methods: A comparative case study of Argentina and Uruguay was developed exploring the effects of SAPs on health. Drawing from a population health perspective and using a framework developed to analyze the relationship between globalization and health, changes in domestic policies resulting from SAPs and the corresponding population health outcomes of the countries were explored. <p>Results: In general, SAPs were implemented with greater severity and speed in Argentina than in Uruguay, with the greatest differences occurring over the 1980s. The more gradual and modest reforms implemented in Uruguay over the 1980s were associated with better population health outcomes. As Uruguays reforms began to accelerate and more closely resemble Argentinas over the 1990s, differences in population health of the countries were diminished.<p>Conclusions: Findings support those of previous studies demonstrating that countries that have maintained more protectionist policies have been better able to protect the health of the most vulnerable sectors of society.

This paper argues for the importance of scale, management and sovereign-led development in considering a more human-centric model for Third World development. It begins by reviewing the history of the mainstream Western development model through the evolution of modernization theory and foreign aid. It explores general critiques of this model offered by scholars, focusing on unequal power relations, the high cost of aid, and problems with ‘cookie cutter’ style development projects that don’t take into account disparate environments. As the paper progresses, focus shifts more specifically to hydropower development and ‘Big Dams’. Nepal is the main case study for exemplifying the problems with foreign-aid-funded dam projects and for proposing the alternative model of smaller scale, management-focused, nation-led development projects. While the scope of this study is limited, the growing success of these projects in Nepal suggests that more focus should be paid to applying these methods in other developing countries.

Background: The implementation of structural adjustment programs (SAPs) in low to middle income (LMICs) has been followed by a marked reduction in their progress on economic growth, social indicators and health outcomes. Comprehensive and contextualized explorations of the effects of SAPs are needed to assist health and social policy-makers in better determining responses to such programs that continue to dominate global trade, aid and debt cancellation negotiations.<p>Methods: A comparative case study of Argentina and Uruguay was developed exploring the effects of SAPs on health. Drawing from a population health perspective and using a framework developed to analyze the relationship between globalization and health, changes in domestic policies resulting from SAPs and the corresponding population health outcomes of the countries were explored. <p>Results: In general, SAPs were implemented with greater severity and speed in Argentina than in Uruguay, with the greatest differences occurring over the 1980s. The more gradual and modest reforms implemented in Uruguay over the 1980s were associated with better population health outcomes. As Uruguays reforms began to accelerate and more closely resemble Argentinas over the 1990s, differences in population health of the countries were diminished.<p>Conclusions: Findings support those of previous studies demonstrating that countries that have maintained more protectionist policies have been better able to protect the health of the most vulnerable sectors of society.