Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-03-11Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:59:28Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 moreirajunior_h_me_mar.pdf: 691747 bytes, checksum: 20d9d8b1288eba2b3854524f2c68a130 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Principal economia mundial, líder político das principais instituições multilaterais e superpotência militar de alcance global, os Estados Unidos neste início de século XXI reúne todas as características para ser considerado o principal ator do sistema internacional. Nesse sentido, a compreensão das relações internacionais contemporâneas depende de uma compreensão das principais ações dos Estados Unidos no cenário internacional. Desde os anos do pós II Guerra, a política externa norte-americana adotou uma estratégia de construir a ordem internacional a partir da projeção de seus interesses nacionais. O objetivo dessa pesquisa foi identificar se a estratégia de segurança nacional do governo George W. Bush, focada na guerra contra o terrorismo, representa uma continuidade no projeto hegemônico norte-americano de construção da ordem internacional, ou se representa uma ruptura do mesmo, por desarticular o consenso da comunidade internacional existente em torno do projeto iniciado na segunda metade do século XX. A partir da revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema, da análise dos documentos dos neoconservadores e formuladores da estratégia de segurança do governo W. Bush, e do estudo de sua estratégia de segurança nacional, conhecida como Doutrina Bush, percebe-se que, por meios distintos, a política externa neoconservadora dos republicanos possui o mesmo objetivo da Grande Estratégia dos Estados Unidos prevalecente ao longo do século XX: o de modelar a ordem internacional de acordo com os interesses norte-americanos e assim consolidar sua primazia no cenário internacional / Greatest global economy, political leader of multilateral institutions and global military superpower, during the XXI century America has had all the characteristics to be considered the main actor of international system. Therefore, the understanding of contemporary international relations depends on understanding US world actions. Since Post War II, American foreign policy has developed a strategy to shape world order through America’s national interest. This research aims to investigate if the national security strategy of W. Bush’s administration, focused on war on terror, represents a continuity or a break in the American hegemonic project. The Bibliography revision, as well as the analysis of neoconservative documents for foreign policy and national defense, added by a study of the national security strategy, shows that Bush Doctrine has the same objectives of US Grand Strategy: to shape world order and support American primacy

This dissertation makes the argument that the Franklin Roosevelt administration (1933-1945) embarked upon a global hegemonic project to transform the United States into a world empire and bring about the "New World Order." In addition, the expansion of U.S. commercial and military air routes was seen as instrumental to the realization of this project.

This dissertation explores how different understandings of power in IR theory lead to different understandings of world order. In particular, I examine how notions of power have informed recent 'debate about empire' and what the term empire might usefully mean in the context of contemporary international relations. I start by investigating how power is understood in relation to the role of shared understandings. Mainstream or "Rationalist" scholars of IR have argued that shared norms and principles are epiphenomenal, existing only to the extent that sovereign states find utility in them. 'Reflectivist' scholars, on the other hand, have suggested that we attribute a much greater degree of autonomy to what they call "constitutive knowledge". That is, the intersubjective and historically contingent truths about world politics that inform the values and norms of state behavior. What is noteworthy about the recent debates about "empire" is that, for better or for worse, Rationalist scholars have tended to explain America's recent unilateralism in terms of a return to the logic of political realism which gives primacy to state power. However, following the Reflectivist argument, I argue that it is a mistake to limit the analytic scope of unilateralism to the egoistic agency of any one state. Instead, it may be more precise to situate American unilateralism in the context of an emerging regime or formation of shared understandings which is more global in scope. To explore this possibility, I turn to Foucault's theory of power which explores how liberal governments both direct their populations and rationalize the use of certain forms of violence. I turn also to Hardt and Negri who, taking their lead from Foucault, offer a novel definition of the term empire as a quality or condition of the practice of global governance particular to late modernity. Hardt and Negri define empire as a new form of global sovereignty that has emerged along with the global market and global circuits of production. My research explores how this definition can be used to refine such key concepts and categories of IR theory research as sovereignty, political economy and security. Through the reinterpretation of these key categories, I show how theories based on constitutive knowledge are capable of recognizing that there is in fact a great deal more going on in contemporary global power relations than American unilateralism. / Ph. D.

Text in Afrikaans / Die Baha'i-geloof is 'n nuwe onafhanklike wereldreligie en is redelik onbekend onder die bree Suid-Afrikaanse publiek. Hierdie kwalitatiewe studie (gebaseer op die fenomenologiese metode) het ten doel om die Baha'i-fenomeen op 'n nie-veroordelende wyse sander vooroordele te beskryf en om die Baha'is se eie Suid-Afrikaanse ervaring te registreer. Dit geskied eerstens deur 'n bespreking van die Baha'ise historiese gebeure (deel 1). Op hierdie wyse word die geloof in sy religieuse familiegroepering geplaas. Terselfdertyd verklaar hierdie deel die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van die Baha'i-geloof wereldwyd en in Suid-Afrika. Dit herdefinieer die verbondsgedagte en toon hoe Baha'is die eenheidsgedagte en die uitlewing van Baha 'u' llah se boodskap via die skepping van 'n Administratiewe orde vormgee. Sentrale Baha'i-konsepte (deel 2) aangaande die geestelike dimensie van die geloof word hierna aangestip. Dit word uitgebou met ongestruktureerde onderhoude met versigtig gekose deelnemers, waarin Baha'is dus self hul geloof in terme van die Baha'i-administrasie, wette, byeenkomste en bepalings, Godsbegrip en eskatologie sowel as hul antropologie en geskiedenis uitspel. Dit word ooreenkomstig die sentrale temas bespreek sodat 'n Baha'i-geheelbeeld gekonseptualiseer kan word. Dit word afgesluit met 'n bespreking van die Baha'i-wereldstaat as die vervulling van die profesie van die nuwe hemel en aarde. Verskeie gevolgtrekkings word uit hierdie data gemaak. Dit toon hoe die Baha'is Baha'u'llah se boodskap as sleutel gebruik sodat die moderne mens na die vestiging van 'n nuwe wereldkultuur gelei word. Hierdie strewe bekragtig die Baha'i-strategie en motto van eenheid in die verskeidenheid, en word as die oplossing vir die hedendaagse probleme van die moderne mens aangebied. Daar word dan met die Suid-Afrikaanse Baha'i-toekomsbeskouing afgesluit. / The Baha'i Faith is a new independent world religion and is vastly unknown to the South African public. The purpose of this qualitative research (based on the phenomenological method) is to describe the Baha'i phenomenon in an unbiased, non-judgemental way so that the own South African Baha'i experience is registered. The Baha'i history (part 1) is discussed first in order to place this faith in its own religious framework and to explain its origin and development worldwide as well as in South Africa. It establishes the message of the Covenant and shows how Baha'is are proclaming the unity idea and the message of Baha'u'llah via the establishment of the Administrative order. Central Baha'i concepts (part 2) concerning the spiritual dimension of the Baha'i faith are explored. It is expanded via unstructured interviews with carefully selected participants in order to let Baha'is explain their own administration, laws and regulations, concepts about God and their escatology as well as their anthropology and history. This is done in accordance to the central themes so that a total picture of Baha'i could be conceptualised. It ends with a discussion of the Baha'i worldstate as the fulfillment of the new heaven and earth prophecy. Different conclusions are made from these data. It shows how the Baha'is are using Baha'u'llah's message as the key in order to lead man to the establishment of a new modern world culture. This culture will be the fulfillment of the Baha'i strategy and motto of unity in diversity and serves as the Baha'i answer to the modern day problems. The thesis ends with the South African expectations of the future / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Th. (Religious Studies)

Propõe-se neste trabalho analisar as elaborações culturais relativas à política externa estadunidense no seriado televisivo Jornada nas Estrelas: Nova Geração em sua primeira temporada (1987-1988), produzido em um momento de mudanças históricas em que um discurso político de nova ordem mundial estava sendo gestado. Expectativas do fim da Guerra Fria trariam consigo, como evento simbólico, a necessidade de uma nova elaboração simbólica das relações entre Estados Unidos e o mundo. Assim, esta pesquisa buscou discernir na série as características de uma estrutura discursiva diferente dos discursos de guerra e paz mais típicos do período de Guerra Fria na ficção científica. Articulando-se, na série, com os temas da ajuda humanitária e da não interferência, articulação ambígua aqui denominada de militarismo benfazejo, o discurso do seriado antecede um debate que se intensifica na década de 1990 sobre a aceitação ou não do princípio de interferência em outros Estados por via das causas humanitárias. Na tentativa de acompanhar a dispersão do discurso de guerra e paz no campo discursivo, procurou-se ampliar a análise para as articulações discursivas de guerra e paz em ramos discursivos não ficcionais, mantendo como foco o discurso do seriado, na análise minuciosa de sua construção e da forma como este articulou valores pertinentes ao seu discurso de guerra e paz. Buscou-se nas narrativas das imagens o que se evidenciou como a formulação de um novo objeto simbólico para a política externa estadunidense daquele momento. / This work analyzes cultural elaborations relative to American international affairs in the first season of the television series Star Trek: the Next Generation (1987-1988). That moment of historical changes saw the dawn of a new world order discourse. Expectations of a nearing end to the Cold War brought forth the need of new symbolic elaborations concerning the relations between the United States and the rest of the world. Thus, this research aimed to pinpoint the features of a new war and peace discursive structure, differing, comparatively, from the war and peace discourses proper to Cold War culture. Preceding the intense 1990s debate about the admission of the principle of intervention in other states on humanitarian grounds, the series associates its war and peace discourse with themes of humanitarianism and non-interference in an ambiguous symbolic articulation here denominated benevolent militarism. In an attempt to follow its dispersion in the discursive field that permeates fictional and non-fictional discursivities, the discursive articulation of war and peace was, at least in part, observed in other fictional and non-fictional constructs. Yet, the main focus was kept on the series: a detailed analysis of its symbolic, imagerial and narrative construction was carried out, leading to the investigation of the ways in which the series articulated values pertaining to its war and peace discourse. This work addresses what seems to be partaking in the beginnings of the formulation of a new symbolic object of the American international affairs at the time.

Propõe-se neste trabalho analisar as elaborações culturais relativas à política externa estadunidense no seriado televisivo Jornada nas Estrelas: Nova Geração em sua primeira temporada (1987-1988), produzido em um momento de mudanças históricas em que um discurso político de nova ordem mundial estava sendo gestado. Expectativas do fim da Guerra Fria trariam consigo, como evento simbólico, a necessidade de uma nova elaboração simbólica das relações entre Estados Unidos e o mundo. Assim, esta pesquisa buscou discernir na série as características de uma estrutura discursiva diferente dos discursos de guerra e paz mais típicos do período de Guerra Fria na ficção científica. Articulando-se, na série, com os temas da ajuda humanitária e da não interferência, articulação ambígua aqui denominada de militarismo benfazejo, o discurso do seriado antecede um debate que se intensifica na década de 1990 sobre a aceitação ou não do princípio de interferência em outros Estados por via das causas humanitárias. Na tentativa de acompanhar a dispersão do discurso de guerra e paz no campo discursivo, procurou-se ampliar a análise para as articulações discursivas de guerra e paz em ramos discursivos não ficcionais, mantendo como foco o discurso do seriado, na análise minuciosa de sua construção e da forma como este articulou valores pertinentes ao seu discurso de guerra e paz. Buscou-se nas narrativas das imagens o que se evidenciou como a formulação de um novo objeto simbólico para a política externa estadunidense daquele momento. / This work analyzes cultural elaborations relative to American international affairs in the first season of the television series Star Trek: the Next Generation (1987-1988). That moment of historical changes saw the dawn of a new world order discourse. Expectations of a nearing end to the Cold War brought forth the need of new symbolic elaborations concerning the relations between the United States and the rest of the world. Thus, this research aimed to pinpoint the features of a new war and peace discursive structure, differing, comparatively, from the war and peace discourses proper to Cold War culture. Preceding the intense 1990s debate about the admission of the principle of intervention in other states on humanitarian grounds, the series associates its war and peace discourse with themes of humanitarianism and non-interference in an ambiguous symbolic articulation here denominated benevolent militarism. In an attempt to follow its dispersion in the discursive field that permeates fictional and non-fictional discursivities, the discursive articulation of war and peace was, at least in part, observed in other fictional and non-fictional constructs. Yet, the main focus was kept on the series: a detailed analysis of its symbolic, imagerial and narrative construction was carried out, leading to the investigation of the ways in which the series articulated values pertaining to its war and peace discourse. This work addresses what seems to be partaking in the beginnings of the formulation of a new symbolic object of the American international affairs at the time.

Why has the United States, given its status as the sole remaining superpower following its Cold War victory, been unable to translate its preponderance of power into the outcomes it desires? The system established by the United States over the course of the Cold War does not effectively translate its power into influence in the post-Cold War world. In fact, the way US-Soviet competition shaped global affairs created systemic problems, weak and failing states, terrorism, autocracy and human rights abuse, that cannot be solved by the mechanisms of influence the US relied upon to win the Cold War. However, precisely these issues now dominate the American foreign policy agenda as its strategic objective shifted from defeating communism to maintaining the stability of the liberal world order that resulted from communism’s defeat. The United States, reliant on Cold War era mechanisms of influence, lacks the tools to accomplish these new objectives because these mechanisms were designed to exploit or accept the problems of statehood that now plague the liberal world order. Therefore, for the United States to make effective use of its abundance of power, it must either change its tools or its objectives.

Text in Afrikaans / Die Baha'i-geloof is 'n nuwe onafhanklike wereldreligie en is redelik onbekend onder die bree Suid-Afrikaanse publiek. Hierdie kwalitatiewe studie (gebaseer op die fenomenologiese metode) het ten doel om die Baha'i-fenomeen op 'n nie-veroordelende wyse sander vooroordele te beskryf en om die Baha'is se eie Suid-Afrikaanse ervaring te registreer. Dit geskied eerstens deur 'n bespreking van die Baha'ise historiese gebeure (deel 1). Op hierdie wyse word die geloof in sy religieuse familiegroepering geplaas. Terselfdertyd verklaar hierdie deel die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van die Baha'i-geloof wereldwyd en in Suid-Afrika. Dit herdefinieer die verbondsgedagte en toon hoe Baha'is die eenheidsgedagte en die uitlewing van Baha 'u' llah se boodskap via die skepping van 'n Administratiewe orde vormgee. Sentrale Baha'i-konsepte (deel 2) aangaande die geestelike dimensie van die geloof word hierna aangestip. Dit word uitgebou met ongestruktureerde onderhoude met versigtig gekose deelnemers, waarin Baha'is dus self hul geloof in terme van die Baha'i-administrasie, wette, byeenkomste en bepalings, Godsbegrip en eskatologie sowel as hul antropologie en geskiedenis uitspel. Dit word ooreenkomstig die sentrale temas bespreek sodat 'n Baha'i-geheelbeeld gekonseptualiseer kan word. Dit word afgesluit met 'n bespreking van die Baha'i-wereldstaat as die vervulling van die profesie van die nuwe hemel en aarde. Verskeie gevolgtrekkings word uit hierdie data gemaak. Dit toon hoe die Baha'is Baha'u'llah se boodskap as sleutel gebruik sodat die moderne mens na die vestiging van 'n nuwe wereldkultuur gelei word. Hierdie strewe bekragtig die Baha'i-strategie en motto van eenheid in die verskeidenheid, en word as die oplossing vir die hedendaagse probleme van die moderne mens aangebied. Daar word dan met die Suid-Afrikaanse Baha'i-toekomsbeskouing afgesluit. / The Baha'i Faith is a new independent world religion and is vastly unknown to the South African public. The purpose of this qualitative research (based on the phenomenological method) is to describe the Baha'i phenomenon in an unbiased, non-judgemental way so that the own South African Baha'i experience is registered. The Baha'i history (part 1) is discussed first in order to place this faith in its own religious framework and to explain its origin and development worldwide as well as in South Africa. It establishes the message of the Covenant and shows how Baha'is are proclaming the unity idea and the message of Baha'u'llah via the establishment of the Administrative order. Central Baha'i concepts (part 2) concerning the spiritual dimension of the Baha'i faith are explored. It is expanded via unstructured interviews with carefully selected participants in order to let Baha'is explain their own administration, laws and regulations, concepts about God and their escatology as well as their anthropology and history. This is done in accordance to the central themes so that a total picture of Baha'i could be conceptualised. It ends with a discussion of the Baha'i worldstate as the fulfillment of the new heaven and earth prophecy. Different conclusions are made from these data. It shows how the Baha'is are using Baha'u'llah's message as the key in order to lead man to the establishment of a new modern world culture. This culture will be the fulfillment of the Baha'i strategy and motto of unity in diversity and serves as the Baha'i answer to the modern day problems. The thesis ends with the South African expectations of the future / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Th. (Religious Studies)

Orientador: Marcelo Fernandes de Oliveira / Banca: Virgílio Caixeta Arraes / Banca: Marcos Cordeiro Pires / Resumo: Principal economia mundial, líder político das principais instituições multilaterais e superpotência militar de alcance global, os Estados Unidos neste início de século XXI reúne todas as características para ser considerado o principal ator do sistema internacional. Nesse sentido, a compreensão das relações internacionais contemporâneas depende de uma compreensão das principais ações dos Estados Unidos no cenário internacional. Desde os anos do pós II Guerra, a política externa norte-americana adotou uma estratégia de construir a ordem internacional a partir da projeção de seus interesses nacionais. O objetivo dessa pesquisa foi identificar se a estratégia de segurança nacional do governo George W. Bush, focada na guerra contra o terrorismo, representa uma continuidade no projeto hegemônico norte-americano de construção da ordem internacional, ou se representa uma ruptura do mesmo, por desarticular o consenso da comunidade internacional existente em torno do projeto iniciado na segunda metade do século XX. A partir da revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema, da análise dos documentos dos neoconservadores e formuladores da estratégia de segurança do governo W. Bush, e do estudo de sua estratégia de segurança nacional, conhecida como Doutrina Bush, percebe-se que, por meios distintos, a política externa neoconservadora dos republicanos possui o mesmo objetivo da Grande Estratégia dos Estados Unidos prevalecente ao longo do século XX: o de modelar a ordem internacional de acordo com os interesses norte-americanos e assim consolidar sua primazia no cenário internacional / Abstract: Greatest global economy, political leader of multilateral institutions and global military superpower, during the XXI century America has had all the characteristics to be considered the main actor of international system. Therefore, the understanding of contemporary international relations depends on understanding US world actions. Since Post War II, American foreign policy has developed a strategy to shape world order through America's national interest. This research aims to investigate if the national security strategy of W. Bush's administration, focused on war on terror, represents a continuity or a break in the American hegemonic project. The Bibliography revision, as well as the analysis of neoconservative documents for foreign policy and national defense, added by a study of the national security strategy, shows that Bush Doctrine has the same objectives of US Grand Strategy: to shape world order and support American primacy / Mestre

The master thesis deals with the historical development of humanitarian aid against the backdrop of transformations of the world order. Firstly, the thesis scrutinizes the differences between the classical humanitarianism of the Red Cross and the so-called new humanitarianism, which emerged during the Nigerian civil war (1967-1970). Secondly, the thesis demonstrates that although the new humanitarianism tends to be presented in an opposition to and as a more historically advanced form of the classic humanitarianism, when examined in a more detailed manner, the two humanitarian approaches face similar dilemmas in relation to political power. The overcoming of the "end of history" era, which gave rise and prominence to the new humanitarianism, opened discussion about the alternatives to the future of the world order. This shift allows us to formulate the main argument of the thesis - the evolution of the humanitarianism should not be seen as teleological and linear but as a continuous process in which both the classic and the new humanitarianism need to balance between strict legalism which can lead to moral failure and exaggerated moralism which can have consequences contradicting the basic principles of humanitarian action. Keywords: classical humanitarianism, new humanitarianism, human rights,...