Bakgrund: En kronisk oförutsägbar sjukdom som Crohns sjukdom framkallar fysisk, psykologisk och social stress. Sjukdomen påverkar vardagen, försämrar livskvalitet och skapar oro. För att bedriva personcentrerad vård krävs insikt i hur denna oro upplevs. Syfte: Syftet med studien var att belysa sjukdomsrelaterad oro hos personer med Crohns sjukdom. Metod: Åtta kvinnor och fyra män mellan 30 och 64 år som skattat sin sjukdomsrelaterade oro som hög eller mycket hög identifierades. Intervjuer genomfördes och analyserades med kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Resultat: Analysen genererade tre kategorier: (1) Oro för sjukdomen i sig, (2) känslor runt oron, (3) samt hantering av oron. Sjukdomens oförutsägbarhet samt nedsatt funktion till följd av trötthet och bristande kontroll över tarmfunktionen var de mest framträdande orsakerna till oro. Oron skapade känslor av stress, skuld och besvikelse. Deltagarna uttryckte önskemål att få prata om och synliggöra oron men hade också funnit egna sätt att hantera denna. Slutsats: Det finns ett kvarstående behov av att ventilera och få förståelse för sjukdomsrelaterad oro, även efter många års sjukdom. Personer med Crohns sjukdom måste få prata om sin oro, vara en aktiv partner i vården och tillsammans med vårdgivaren finna sätt att hantera oron så att denna kan lindras. / Background: A chronic, unpredictable disease as Crohn's disease provides physical, psychological and social stress. The disease affects everyday life, impairs quality of life and create worries. To conduct person-centered care requires insight into how this worry is experienced. Objective: To explore disease-related worries in persons with Crohn´s disease. Method: Eight women and four men between 30 and 64 who estimated their disease-related worries high or very high were identified. Interviews were conducted and analyzed with content analysis. Results: The analysis generated three categories: (1) Worries about the disease itself, (2) feelings around the worries, (3) management of the worries. The unpredictable course of the disease and the impaired function due to fatigue and lack of control of bowel function were the most prominent causes of worries. The worries created feelings of stress, guilt and disappointment. The participants expressed the wish to talk about and make the worries visible but had also found their own ways to handle it. Conclusion: There is a persistent need to vent and get an understanding of disease-related worries, even after many years of disease. Persons with Crohn's disease need to talk about their worries, be an active partner in healthcare and together with the health-care providers find ways to handle the worries so it can be relieved.

A family is the first educational institution where a child acquires his basic social standards. A family is also the most important institution for human socialization having a great influence on the development of a child‘s personality. Parents form the biggest part of a child‘s environment the development of a child‘s personality greatly depends on them. The aim of this work is to analyse the typical psychological relation between junior schoolchildren and their mothers on the bases of sex and family status. 400 people (200 children aged 9-11 and their 200 mothers) took part in a survey. 5 questionnaires were used for assessing children‘s psychological feelings, inside calmness, self - assessment, worries about school and motivation for learning. For assessing their mothers‘ psychological feelings, inside calmness and self – assessment 3 questionnaires were used. While carrying out a survey there were given 3 hypotheses which turned to be partly approved. A significant relation was defined between girls‘ inside calmness and their mothers‘ psychological feelings as well as between their self – assessment, whereas the same kind of relation between boys and their mothers was not confirmed. There was also defined a significant relation between boys‘ worries about school and their mothers‘ psychological feelings. A second hypotheses which states that in a two – parent family there is a closer relation between the children‘s inside calmness, psychological mood at school... [to full text]

In recent years, there has been a growing commitment to studying the economic lives of the poor by better understanding their psychological lives (Banerjee and Duflo, 2007; Schilbach et al., 2016). These developments stem from the failure to empirically detect poverty traps, which have been at the core of the development literature for decades (Dean et al., 2017). Instead, empirical studies document the existence of very large rates of returns to investment, which, however, are not matched by observed consumption growth rates (Kremer et al., 2019). Several behaviors of the poor, which do not fit with traditional models, puzzled economists. Why do poor micro-entrepreneurs keep borrowing at extremely high interest rates instead of saving some of their profit to borrow less with each passing day (Ananth et al., 2007)? If using fertilizer has such high rates of return, why don't poor farmers purchase it (Duflo et al., 2008)? If the poor remain poor because they do not get enough calories, why do they spend their money on other things besides food (Banerjee and Duflo, 2007)? Such questions led to the rise of the subfield of Behavioral Development Economics, which applies insights from psychology and behavioral economics to study the economic behavior of the poor; trying to explain why and how it departs from standard economic models. Behavioral biases, studied extensively in Behavioral Economics, may be much more consequential for the poor. Failing to resist to the temptation of a hedonistic reward after a hard day of work will have very different implications for a poor person than for a rich one. This thesis aims to contribute to this new strand of literature, in particular to one of its branches titled "the psychology of poverty", which studies the impact poverty has on cognitive function and economic behavior. One influential theory in this field is the scarcity/mental bandwidth theory (Mullainathan and Shafir, 2013), which states that poverty implies not only lack of financial resources, but also lack of mental resources to focus on other things besides pressing concerns. At any time, a poor person's mind will be preoccupied with worries about bills, school fees or health problems; and how to best manage all of them with very limited resources. While this makes the poor better at decisions regarding the pressing issue at hand (Mullainathan and Shafir, 2013), it also makes them neglect other important domains which may not appear urgent enough (Shah et al., 2012, 2015). While the theory may help explain many puzzling behaviors of the poor, up to now there has been little evidence on real-world economic outcomes. The first two chapters of this thesis try to bring the framework closer to real-world economic decisions even though restricted to the lab setting. The main challenge with studying the psychology of poverty outside the lab is the fact that even exogenous changes in income will affect several other channels besides mental bandwidth, making it very challenging to pin down the precise mechanism. Given this, the first two chapters are limited to varying mental bandwidth in a lab setting, keeping income fixed. The novel aspect is that the decisions participants make mimic closely everyday life purchasing decisions, involving real products. I note however, that due to limited funding and ethical considerations, in both chapters decisions are only weakly incentivized: only 1% of participants actually receive the goods they selected. The first chapter explores the relationship between the psychology of poverty, investment in human capital, and financial incentives. Empirical evidence indicates that the poor are less attentive parents, investing less in the human capital of their children (McLoyd, 1998; Evans, 2004). This contributes to the inter-generational transmission of poverty because investing in human capital has extremely high rates of return, highest in early childhood (Cunha and Heckman, 2007; Cunha et al., 2010). The question is why don't the poor invest more? Traditional answers to this question put the blame on lack of knowledge of parenting practices, wrong beliefs on the expected returns or lower altruism. We propose an alternative explanation based on the scarcity theory. Poor parents may fail to invest the required time and resources in their child because their minds are preoccupied with other more urgent concerns. When there is uncertainty about how the next bill will be paid, spending time doing educational activities with the child may shift out of focus. When such behaviors keep repeating on a regular basis, a gap emerges between poor and non-poor children in the amount of cognitive and emotional stimulation they receive. The challenge is how to test this hypothesis. Given the identification issues with disentangling such channels with observational data, we bring it to the lab. Parents of toddlers, living in the UK, are invited to participate in an online experiment. First, they are asked to answer how their family would deal with various hypothetical financial scenarios which vary in severity (hard for the treatment group, easy for the control group). Among the treated, the scenarios aim to bring financial worries to mind, trying to capture what people living in poverty experience on a regular basis. After completing the scenarios, parents receive a budget of pounds 30 to be spent as they choose in an experimental market on 3 types of goods: necessities, child investment goods, and luxury goods. Half of parents are incentivized to purchase more child investment goods by being offered a 50% discount. This treatment investigates if financial worries change how parents respond to such incentives, and is motivated by the results in Das et al. (2013) which find that accounting for household re-optimization in response to a policy is crucial when evaluating its effects. We find that the incentive increases investment in human capital among lower income parents only when financial worries are not salient. When worries become salient, low income parents do not invest more but instead use the additional money to increase their demand of necessities. In addition, they also lower their demand for luxury goods to zero. When no discount is offered, we do not find financial worries to lower investment, which is likely to be explained by floor effects. Among higher income parents, financial worries do not affect behavior. The effects among lower income participants are driven by those who were further away from their last paycheck at the time of the experiment - an indicator of real world monetary scarcity. This finding increases the external validity of our main results. The second chapter departs from studying the human capital of children, focusing instead on the human capital of adultsootnote{However, the behavior studied is likely to have negative externalities also on children (e.g. domestic violence).}. Addictive (or temptation) goods have been at the core of academic and policy debates for decades. With Becker and Murphy (1988), addiction was rationalized as a utility maximizing decision where the individual fully internalizes the costs of consuming such goods. In this framework, the only scope for intervention is to balance out the externalities -- the costs that individuals place on society through consumption decisions (e.g. healthcare costs). Gruber (2001) questioned theoretically and empirically the rational framework, showing that with inconsistent time preferences, individuals do not fully internalize the cost of their behavior. Further studies have confirmed these findings which increased the scope of policy interventions (Gruber and Kőszegi, 2004; O’Donoghue and Rabin, 2006; Allcott et al., 2019a). The most widely used policy tools to limit the over-consumption of temptation are "sin" taxes, popular among governments because they bring large revenues. However, such taxes have sparked debates regarding their effects on income distribution. Since the poor tend to spend a higher share of their budget on temptation, they are likely to pay a higher cost. On the other hand, they are also the ones expected to benefit more in terms of health by consuming less. Traditionally, such taxes were placed on tobacco and alcohol. Recently, several governments have started adding taxes also on the consumption of unhealthy foods, such as sugary drinks and beverages. Crucial to determining the effect of the tax is the elasticity of demand with respect to price and the degree to which individuals are not internalizing their choices (Allcott et al., 2019a). The second chapter integrates the economics of temptation with the scarcity theory, and investigates if financial worries affect (i) the demand for temptation and (ii) the elasticities of demand with respect to price (sin taxes). The first question is not straightforward in the scarcity framework. While poverty is scarcity of financial resources, it is also scarcity of immediate gratification. The poor have stressful lives and jobs which are often less rewarding and highly physically demanding. Compensating for these struggles is harder since they can only access a small set of potential alternatives to addictive goods (e.g. going to nice restaurant and travelling are not really in the choice set of the poor). Following a similar design as in the first chapter but with a less specific population (adults living in the UK), we randomly trigger financial worries before asking participants to choose between necessities and temptation goods in an experimental market. The basket of temptation goods offered includes tobacco, alcohol and unhealthy foods and we simulate "sin taxes" by randomly increasing the price of temptation by 10% or 20%. We find that triggering financial worries lowers the demand for temptation but also dampens demand elasticities. The effects are stronger among low income participants. When financial worries are salient, their demand curve is actually slightly upward sloping. The finding is puzzling: financial worries appear to limit over-consumption of temptation, but they also hurt the poor the most when additional taxes are introduced. We find suggestive evidence that both effects are mediated by an increased focus on urgent necessities. The first two chapters integrated the scarcity framework into public policies. The results are very consistent across studies and have clear policy implications. Among the poor, when monetary concerns are top of mind: (i) incentivizing investments in human capital may not achieve its desired outcome, (ii) (dis)incentivizing consumption of temptation through new taxes may harm the poor the most since they do not lower their demands in response to price increases, which leads, through taxation, to a transfer of funds from the poor to the nonpoor without having any corrective effects (see Bernheim and Rangel, 2004; Bernheim and Taubinsky, 2018). However, I must note that both chapters make only speculative policy recommendations given that they lack the normative counterfactual. Further research is needed to rigorously establish the welfare implications of financial worries. The third chapter takes a step back from economic decisions to studying how violence exposure affects cognitive function in children. Unfortunately violence and poverty are closely linked in a vicious cycle. Economically deprived neighborhoods are in general also more violent. In addition to monetary concerns, the minds of the poor are likely to be preoccupied with safety concerns. This study attempts to apply the framework in Mullainathan and Shafir (2013), focusing on security concerns instead of monetary ones. While the link between the scarcity framework and violence as scarcity of security is novel and up for debate, the chapter is closely connected with the literature on the impact of emotions on cognition and decision making (Loewenstein and Lerner, 2003; Lerner et al., 2003, 2015; Callen et al., 2014; Bogliacino et al., 2017). In a lab-in-the-field experiment, primary school children in El Salvador are randomly assigned to recall episodes of violence exposure before or after taking cognitive tests. I find that recalling violence exposure before taking the tests, increases cognitive performance by 0.2 standard deviations, effect significantly stronger for children reporting higher exposure. The estimates contrast previous findings on the effect of violence and cognitive function (Sharkey, 2010; Sharkey et al., 2012; Bogliacino et al., 2017) and call for further research in the field.

Most primary school learners experience everyday worries during their normal development. Children handle worries differently, and if they are not supported, their self-concept and psychosocial development could be influenced negatively. Parents and teachers are not always aware of what primary school learners worry about, or how they handle their worries. It is important that parents and teachers are made aware of this, so that children can be better supported in this regard. The aim of this study was to determine the everyday worries of primary school learners in a specific school in the Helderberg area, as well as how these worries are handled. This aim was addressed through a descriptive, qualitative research design. Thirty learners between the ages of ten and eleven in the specific school were involved through a simple random sample. Semi-structured one-on-one interviews were used to obtain a detailed picture of learners’ everyday worries and how they handle them. Interviews were held through the use of an interview schedule, which was compiled in accordance with a literature study, tested in a pilot study and adjusted where necessary. Interviews were transcribed and themes were identified according to Braun and Clarke’s method of thematic analysis. On intrapersonal level one worry was identified, namely about emotions that are experienced. On this level participants handled worries by preferring to be alone, trying not to think about worries, crying, writing or drawing in diary, through praying, eating or sleeping. On interpersonal level, worries about school, family, friends and loss were identified. On this level worries were handled through spending time with a family member, friends, the media, pets, or by asking for support from the school. Themes were divided into subthemes, supported with appropriate quotes from the interviews and controlled with literature. This study confirms existing literature in terms of the worries that primary school learners experience. With this study a contribution is being made to the identification of worries on inter- and intrapersonal level, as well as the handling of worries on these two levels. In the future this information can be used as a basis for the effective development of ways for parents and teachers to support children in this regard. Suggestions were made for parents and teachers to encourage children to talk about their worries, as well as to help them find effective ways in which to communicate and practice to handle these worries well. It is very important that parents and teachers are made aware of topics children are worried about and how they handle them, so that children can be better supported and assisted in this regard. / MA (Psychology), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Most primary school learners experience everyday worries during their normal development. Children handle worries differently, and if they are not supported, their self-concept and psychosocial development could be influenced negatively. Parents and teachers are not always aware of what primary school learners worry about, or how they handle their worries. It is important that parents and teachers are made aware of this, so that children can be better supported in this regard. The aim of this study was to determine the everyday worries of primary school learners in a specific school in the Helderberg area, as well as how these worries are handled. This aim was addressed through a descriptive, qualitative research design. Thirty learners between the ages of ten and eleven in the specific school were involved through a simple random sample. Semi-structured one-on-one interviews were used to obtain a detailed picture of learners’ everyday worries and how they handle them. Interviews were held through the use of an interview schedule, which was compiled in accordance with a literature study, tested in a pilot study and adjusted where necessary. Interviews were transcribed and themes were identified according to Braun and Clarke’s method of thematic analysis. On intrapersonal level one worry was identified, namely about emotions that are experienced. On this level participants handled worries by preferring to be alone, trying not to think about worries, crying, writing or drawing in diary, through praying, eating or sleeping. On interpersonal level, worries about school, family, friends and loss were identified. On this level worries were handled through spending time with a family member, friends, the media, pets, or by asking for support from the school. Themes were divided into subthemes, supported with appropriate quotes from the interviews and controlled with literature. This study confirms existing literature in terms of the worries that primary school learners experience. With this study a contribution is being made to the identification of worries on inter- and intrapersonal level, as well as the handling of worries on these two levels. In the future this information can be used as a basis for the effective development of ways for parents and teachers to support children in this regard. Suggestions were made for parents and teachers to encourage children to talk about their worries, as well as to help them find effective ways in which to communicate and practice to handle these worries well. It is very important that parents and teachers are made aware of topics children are worried about and how they handle them, so that children can be better supported and assisted in this regard. / MA (Psychology), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

This diploma thesis brings the description of life and work one of the foremost intellectuals of twentieth century, philosopher Karel Kosík (1926-2003). Karel Kosík was a philosopher, who holds an idea of ``Open Marxism``. This intellectual trend was practically one and only system, which could in time of communism totality ask for dialogue with other intellectual movements. Except philosophy of history Kosík´s work go beyond to the areas of history, sociology, philosophical anthropology and literature. Kosík became the front ideological representative of Prague Spring. Kosík abid his ideals of ``socialism with human face`` even in the totalitarian times during years 1970-1989, when he was as enemy of regime removed from the academical world. After year 1989, when he returned for short at Charles University (1990-1992) he stayed devoted for the ``Open Marxism`` as a leading left-wing philosopher. He was forced to leave his position at university in 1992, allegedly because of his age. Diploma thesis is divided in five chapters. The first chapter describes Kosík´s philosophy in the contemporary context of marxism, the second one gives facts about Kosík´s life story, the third is focused on analysis of Kosík´s work, the fourth inquires into contemporary reception of the Kosík´s person and fifth chapter is intent on Kosík´s relevance and legacy for our presence and future. In Appendix are added copies of some archival materials provided by Literature archive of Museum of Czech Literature in Prague and Archive of Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic in Prague.

This diploma thesis summarizes the knowledge in the field of professional readiness of beginning teachers with a focus on beginning teachers of primary schools. Literary research of Czech and foreign professional sources was used together with the use of conclusions from research surveys dealing with beginning teachers. The aim of the theoretical part of the work was to create a list of concerns and problems that beginning teachers most often face. In connection with this, to find out in the research part what view the mentor teachers have on the professional readiness of beginning teachers. The mentor teachers were chosen as the respondents for the qualitative survey, as they are in close and often regular contact with beginning teachers. The results show that there are areas in which beginning teachers are very well prepared from university studies, and then there are also areas in which mentor teachers are very helpful.