Within the context of debates concerning the impact of media on audiences, this study takes the form of a qualitative audience reception analysis; to investigate how a particular group of female audiences situated in Zimbabwe interprets televised HIV/AIDS prevention advertisements. It examines the extent to which the social context influences the audiences’ acceptance or rejection of preferred readings encoded in the texts. The study is situated within the broad theoretical and methodological framework of both the communication for development and the cultural studies approaches to the study of the media. Data for the investigation was collected through the focus group and in-depth interview methods as well as through the websites and organisational documents produced by the encoders of the advertisements. The findings indicate that the female audiences’ interpretative strategies were informed by their lived experience as well as pre-existing knowledge. Based on the findings it can be deduced that, contrary to earlier beliefs and media theories such as that of the “hypodermic needle” theory the audience of public communication is not a passive homogenous mass that easily succumbs to media influences, rather the audience is active in the production of meaning, but under determinate conditions in particular contexts. The texts, the producing institutions and the social history of the audiences supply these conditions.

This study investigates the main causes of the present political crisis in Zimbabwe with particular reference to the crisis as a direct result of a crisis of authority or governance. The economy and the political environments in the former Rhodesia have been in a healthy state until the early 1990s when the ruling ZANU-PF had its rule under siege when the economy dwindled and the opposition became rife. The broad questions that the study sought to answer were: What have been the primary reasons for the political crisis in Zimbabwe between 1995 and 2005? What role has the political elite played in the country’s development? What contribution did the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme make to the economic development of Zimbabwe? Are there any other important factors that have played a role in the development process of Zimbabwe? As a way of investigation, this study uses qualitative research techniques to make a clinical examination of the main causes of the political crisis that has reduced the formerly self-sustaining and democratically highly rated country to a pariah citizen (state) of the world. A number of primary sources have been used and have had their responses/input supplemented by relatively reliable secondary sources that gave authenticity to the argument of the research. This study makes a ten year review of the political and economic situation in Zimbabwe, as this is the period whence the political crisis became apparent and restricts its investigation of the causes of the political crisis to this period albeit some of these reasons are connected to the past i.e. the period from 1980 to 1995. Since this is a deductive scholarly account, the study tests the theory of organic crisis as an explanation for state collapse in Africa with particular reference to Zimbabwe. Finally the study reveals that the major causes of the political crisis in Zimbabwe are the colonial legacy which seems to have had its negative on the politics of the country just ten years into democracy; the crisis of governance which led to political and economic decay as the ruling party tried by all means to solicit political support; the Lancaster House agreement and the land question which are related to the question of colonial legacy and among the primary reasons Zimbabwe has reached political impasse; the crisis of elites which this directly links to the political crisis; structural adjustment programmes and corruption and fraud.

No description available.

This study investigates the constructions of nationhood in two Bulawayo newspapers, the Chronicle and Newsday. Against the backdrop of the emergence of a secessionist movement, Mthwakazi Liberation Front (MLF), this research examines the discourses of nationhood in the secessionist debates raging in these two newspapers. This study is premised on a view that nationhood constructions cannot be understood outside the broader context in which these newspapers are embedded. Accordingly, it traces the roots and resurgence of Matabeleland separatist politics, exploring the political-historical forces that have shaped a distinctive Ndebele identity that poses a threat to the one, indivisible Zimbabwean national identity. Further, the study situates Matabeleland separatist politics within the broader African secessionist discourse challenging the post-colonial nation-building project on the continent. Informed by Hall’s (1992, 1996) constructivist approach to identity, it considers national identities as fragmented, multiple and constantly evolving. Thus, this study is framed within Hall’s (1997) constructivist approach to representation, as it examines the constructions of nationhood in and through language. The study uses qualitative research methods, as it examines the meanings of nationhood in key media texts. Informed by Foucault’s discourse theory, this research employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) to analyse 12 articles from the two newspapers. The findings confirm that the representations of nationhood in the two newspapers are influenced by their position within the socio-political context. The state-owned Chronicle legitimates the unitary state discourse advocated by ZANU PF. On the other hand, Newsday’s representations are informed by the discourses of the opposition political parties and civil society that challenge the dominant nation-building project. Thus, within this paper, secession and devolution emerge as alternative imaginaries that contest the authoritarian discourse of nationhood

Thesis (Th.M.)--University of South Africa, 2002.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management Science: Public Management (Peace-building), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / The purpose of the study was to assess or investigate the forms, causes and effects of violence towards lone women from Pumula Township, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. In finding these it seeks to prevent violence towards these lone women. It is noted that structural male dominant culture and inequality are the major causes of violence towards lone women in Pumula; this is also similar in Sub-Saharan Africa. Many studies on lone women have been done worldwide and to the best of my knowledge, none that seeks for substantive solutions has been done in Bulawayo. This study was exploratory and qualitative in nature. This was done through a forum, focus group interviews and personal interviews. The data in the forum was collected by an advisory team and the researcher was the facilitator in all interviews. The major method of data collection was the focus group interviews. Also for triangulation purposes, and to complement the focus group interviews, individual interviews were done. Stakeholders’ workshops and lone women workshops were conducted to propose the means that could be used to reduce violence against lone women. Ethical standards were observed during the study. The findings of the study indicate that violence towards lone women is caused by a patriarchal culture and the social norms that make lone women to be stigmatised, ostracised and discriminated against because of their status. The confiscation of their property after the death of their spouses, or divorce, the struggle to shelter and care for their children often causes lone women ill-health and low self-esteem. They also find it difficult to find time for self as they are the breadwinners. It was proposed that the community and the lone women work together to curb violence against lone women and to combat all the injustices that are happening within society. Women empowerment and development can eradicate violence against the lone women. / M

MRDV / Institute for Rural Development / Two decades after the “Fast Track” land resettlement in Zimbabwe, little is known about the sustainability of livelihoods of households that benefited from the programme. “Fast Track” refers to the accelerated land resettlement which started in 2000 in Zimbabwe. The government of Zimbabwe argues that it introduced it as an intervention strategy to enhance the livelihoods of marginalised indigenous people. However, the nature of the fast track land resettlement has been met with considerable criticism. An exploratory study that sought to assess the sustainability of livelihoods through obtaining the perspectives of men, women and youth in fast track resettlement areas of Shamva District was carried out. Focus group discussions and semi-structured interview guides were used to obtain the perceptions. The attempt to understand the sustainability of livelihoods involved determining the perceived (a) major features of sustainable livelihoods, (b) criteria for assessing sustainability of livelihoods, and (c) livelihood strategies adopted. Data were coded and analysed using Atlas-it version 7.5 software. Dependability of livelihoods, ability to recover from stress, extent to which livelihoods conserved the environment, ease with which livelihoods were interchanged and ability to close the gap between rich and poor members of society were the perceived features of sustainable livelihoods. Criteria for assessing the sustainability of livelihoods included the ability of livelihoods to contribute to development, provide a stable flow of income, promotion of social development, potential for growth and ability to conserve the environment. Petty trading, agricultural intensification, self-employment and community savings were the main livelihood strategies pursued in the fast track resettlement areas of Shamva District. Inherent challenges that inhibited the sustainability of livelihoods were cited as lack of infrastructure, poor markets for agricultural products and poor communication. The use of participatory research was crucial in co-creation of knowledge with the resettled farmers. The information generated is useful for crafting empowerment strategies in the fast track resettled farming communities. / NRF

This thesis focuses on children who have lost both parents and are currently living on their own as child headed households (CHHs) in a rural community in Zimbabwe. Children heading households and taking care of siblings is a very “un-childlike” behaviour yet these are growing phenomena. Through an exploration of how CHHs are constituted and evolve the thesis aims to examine whether local constructions of childhood are being (re) conceptualised as a result of Zimbabwe’s escalating HIV/AIDS crisis. In particular it examines whether the socialisation of children within ‘child only’ units is leading to social transformation and/or whether children are in some way attempting to mimic ‘normal’ family/gender relations. It also looks at CHH’s interactions with adults and explores how these affect survival strategies, socialisation and conceptualisations of childhood. This thesis draws on an intensive ethnographic research project with five CHHs and their siblings in a rural community in Zimbabwe. Participant observation, narratives, drama, essays, focus groups, conversations and participatory techniques were employed to gain an in-depth insight into household evolution, the socialisation of family members, gender roles and survival strategies. The thesis shows that while children living in CHHs are vulnerable, they exhibited considerable competence and capabilities to sustain themselves. However, state and non-governmental organisations’ definition of childhood and orphanhood on the other hand, and cultural and local understanding of childhood and orphanhood produce new conceptual struggles of childhood that impacts negatively on the CHHs’ integration into society and their capacity to function fully. The ambivalent position of orphaned children in CHHs needs to be addressed if CHHs are to be recognised as an alternative orphan care arrangement.

Rural women in Zimbabwe are disproportionately represented among the poor. Among the interventions taken to mitigate the poverty suffered by women is the concept of income-generating projects (lGPs). Government, non-governmental organisations and donor agencies support the IGPs. After years of channeling resources through the IGPs to alleviate the poverty of mostly rural women, it is necessary that we take stock of the benefits that have been realised. The aim of this thesis is to identify the benefits and pitfalls of the IGPs in alleviating poverty. A case study of two projects in Chinamora communal lands in Zimbabwe demonstrates that IGPs do provide some benefits to participants and their households. Limited funding for start-up capital and lack of viable markets are among the major impediments to increased benefits. There is evidence that women can successfully organise themselves and explore previously male dominated areas of production such as carpentry. This suggests that IGPs do have the potential to somewhat alleviate poverty. making it necessary for the supporting institutions to seriously consider improving the shortcomings presently plaguing IGPs. / Thesis (M.Sc.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2000.

Since the colonial period, Zimbabwe has been a territory characterised by contestation. In the 2000s, Zimbabwe entered a period of severe socio-economic conditions; this period was also marred with several cases of human rights abuses and political violence. This period also saw the emergence of a new opposition party, the Movement of Democratic Change (MDC). In the mid-2000s, South Africa was vested with the task of resolving the political crisis in Zimbabwe by the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Former South African President Thabo Mbeki managed to facilitate a Global Political Agreement (GPA), which was signed on 15 September 2008. This led to an Inclusive Government (IG) being formed on 3 February 2009. The IG brought the three main opposition parties in Zimbabwe into a power-sharing government with the Zanu-PF. This dissertation explores the role played by South Africa in brokering a power-sharing deal in Zimbabwe, it also assesses whether “power-sharing” is an effective peace-building model. At the core of this dissertation is an assessment of the impact of the IG on the politics in Zimbabwe. Three themes are used to assess the politics, namely socio-economics in Zimbabwe, the rule of law in Zimbabwe and the perceived legitimacy of the government. The dissertation uses content analysis as the research method to analyse three newspapers, a South African newspaper, the Mail & Guardian and two Zimbabwean newspapers, the Sunday Mail and the Standard Newspaper. The period of analysis will be from 2005 to 2011. The dissertation offers a substantive analysis of the reporting of the three newspapers. The findings of this dissertation reveal that the socio-economic situation in Zimbabwe has improved since the implementation of the IG but is still in a dire situation. It also reveals that, despite the decrease in reports of human rights abuses and the cases of political violence, Zimbabwe is still devoid of the rule of law. It reveals that the legitimacy of the government is in Zimbabwe has slight improved since the implementation of the IG. The dissertation offers recommendations to the political crisis in Zimbabwe from the discipline of conflict transformation scholarship. / M.Soc.Sc. University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban 2013.