Julia Rolandsdotter, Idéer om samhälle och individ: Abortdebatten under 1960- och 1970-tal med inriktning på realpolitik och ideologi, Uppsala Universitet: Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, C-uppsats, HT 2013. This essay aims to investigate and scrutinize the debate surrounding abortion during the years of 1964 and 1974 respectively. By analyzing elements of different opinions in the debate from daily press, a wide range of aspects concerning the issues of free abortion have been distinguishable. This analysis shows that the abortion debate was, to a high degree, a question of Realpolitik and ideology whereas the differences over time have been visible rather than the differences between parties of varying opinion. By applying the theories of Ian Hacking concerning the effects of categorization, ideas surrounding people and society among others, have been highlighted in the debate. In 1964 we see ideas about the woman as motherly or a victim and the society as defective or exposed among other factors. In 1974 on the other hand discussion about the free woman and the irresponsible society is very common.

This thesis examines the abortion debate in Brazil within the context of Catholic and Evangelical belief systems. Using a systematic literature review and thematic content analysis, the primary objective is to illuminate the intersection of religion and the often taboo topic of abortion. Given the widespread poverty in Brazil, abortion becomes a profoundly critical issue that directly impacts the health and safety of women as it affects their ability to access medical care in safe and regulated settings, thereby reducing the risks associated with dangerous and illegal procedures. The findings underscore the substantial role played by Catholic and Evangelical belief systems in opposing the legalization of abortion, driven by their deeply held values. This influence is deeply rooted in historical opportunities seized during Brazil's democratization process. Moreover, Catholic, and Evangelical movements have demonstrated remarkable mobilization efforts, engaging in grassroots activities, and fostering mobilization within private spheres. The polarization of the abortion debate has intensified the visibility of these religious groups and mobilized their supporters in various ways. In conclusion, this study reveals that Catholic and Evangelical belief systems have emerged as influential political actors, significantly shaping public opinion and resistance to abortion legalization, even in cases where it is legally sanctioned. Given that religion's influence shows no signs of diminishing but rather continues to grow, further research in this context is crucial to understanding its profound impact on society.

Chile allowed therapeutic abortion (cases in which the mother’s life was in danger) from 1931 until 1989, the last year of the Pinochet military dictatorship. After Pinochet stepped down, Chile underwent a democratic transition in 1990 that was heavily reliant on a moral fundamentalist mentality, primarily influenced by the Catholic Church and conservative political parties. It has been widely argued that after the democratic transition, the previously strong and united women’s movement lost much of its visibility and cohesiveness due to its progressive fragmentation. This thesis holds that the women’s movement in Chile is not dead, but instead there are numerous small movements that apply different methods in an attempt to change abortion legislation in Chile. Through the dissemination of secondary research and first-person interviews conducted over a period of six months in Chile, the results show that Chilean third-wave feminists have re-shaped the women’s movement in an effort to introduce innovative ideas and tactics to advance abortion rights. Nonetheless, these new voices have also created tensions between new and old feminists further dividing the movement and limiting their ability to effect real change in regards to the abortion debate in Chile.

Chile allowed therapeutic abortion (cases in which the mother’s life was in danger) from 1931 until 1989, the last year of the Pinochet military dictatorship. After Pinochet stepped down, Chile underwent a democratic transition in 1990 that was heavily reliant on a moral fundamentalist mentality, primarily influenced by the Catholic Church and conservative political parties. It has been widely argued that after the democratic transition, the previously strong and united women’s movement lost much of its visibility and cohesiveness due to its progressive fragmentation. This thesis holds that the women’s movement in Chile is not dead, but instead there are numerous small movements that apply different methods in an attempt to change abortion legislation in Chile. Through the dissemination of secondary research and first-person interviews conducted over a period of six months in Chile, the results show that Chilean third-wave feminists have re-shaped the women’s movement in an effort to introduce innovative ideas and tactics to advance abortion rights. Nonetheless, these new voices have also created tensions between new and old feminists further dividing the movement and limiting their ability to effect real change in regards to the abortion debate in Chile.