This thesis focuses on how well indicators of judicial ideology and institutional constraints predict whether a judge will vote to increase abortion access. I develop a model that evaluates a judge's decision in an abortion case in light of ideological factors measured at the time of a judge's nomination to the bench and legal and institutional constraints at the time a judge decides a case. I analyze abortion cases from all of the U.S. Federal District Courts from 1973-2004. Unlike previous studies, which demonstrate that the president and the home state senators are the best predictors of judicial ideology, I find that the Senate Judiciary Committee at the time of the judge's nomination is the only statistically significant ideological indicator. Also, contrary to conventional wisdom, Supreme Court precedent (a legal constraint) is also a significant predictor of judicial voting behavior in abortion cases.

Le sujet de l’avortement provoqué demeure encore tabou au Togo et la compréhension du phénomène reste incomplète. La présente étude vise à dresser un portrait complet de ses divers aspects dans la capitale togolaise, qui a connu une baisse importante de la fécondité au cours des dernières années. À partir des données des Enquêtes démographiques et de santé (EDS) de 1988 et 1998, et de celles de l’Enquête sur la planification familiale et l’avortement provoqué (EPAP) de 2002, l’étude montre que le recours à l’avortement est à la hausse à Lomé, bien que l’estimation de son ampleur dépende de la méthode utilisée. Plus de 32 % des femmes ayant déjà été enceintes ont déclaré avoir avorté au moins une fois. Toutefois, l’avortement est plus fréquent chez les jeunes, qui y ont recours de manière plus précoce et plus rapprochée que leurs aînées. En contribuant ainsi à la régulation des naissances, l’avortement réduit la fécondité de 10 à 12 %. En utilisant les données de l’EPAP, réalisée auprès de 4755 femmes âgées de 15-49 ans, nous avons aussi étudié le recours à l’avortement comme une séquence d’étapes débutant par l’exposition au risque de grossesse jusqu’au recours à l’avortement, en passant par une absence de pratique contraceptive et le fait qu’une grossesse qui survient soit déclarée « non désirée ». L’ethnie et la génération sont associées à certaines étapes de la séquence alors que la religion, la parité, le statut matrimonial et le niveau d’instruction sont associés aux quatre étapes. Ainsi, le risque élevé d’avorter chez les femmes instruites découle en fait de leur risque élevé à toutes les étapes. En étant moins à risque de grossesse, les femmes qui ont au moins deux enfants sont plus susceptibles que les nullipares, d’utiliser une contraception moderne, de déclarer une grossesse comme non désirée et d’avorter. Si plusieurs grossesses non désirées surviennent aux âges jeunes, c’est surtout le caractère « hors union » de la grossesse qui fait qu’elle est considérée comme « non désirée » et interrompue. En outre, les femmes qui ont déjà avorté ou utilisé une contraception sont plus enclines à recourir à un avortement. Les résultats montrent également que le partenaire soutient souvent la femme dans la décision d’avorter et s’acquitte des coûts dans la majorité des cas. Malgré le fait qu’ils soient illégaux, plus de 40 % des avortements sont pratiqués à Lomé dans des centres de santé, par un membre du personnel médical, et à l’aide du curetage ou de l’aspiration. Mais, la moitié de ces avortements (22 %) avait été tentée au préalable par des méthodes non médicales. Plusieurs avortements ont aussi lieu soit à domicile (36 %), soit chez des tradi-thérapeutes (24 %), grâce à des méthodes non médicales. Par ailleurs, près de 60 % des avortements ont entraîné des complications sanitaires, conduisant la majorité des femmes à une hospitalisation. Sur le plan psychologique et relationnel, nous avons montré que la plupart des avortements ont entraîné des regrets et remords, de même que des problèmes entre les femmes et leurs parents. Les parents soutiennent en fait peu les femmes dans la décision d’avorter et interviennent rarement dans le paiement des coûts. L’étude a enfin révélé que la loi sur l’avortement est peu connue. Cependant, être âgée de 25 ans ou plus, en union ou très instruite, connaître des méthodes contraceptives, le recours d’une parente ou amie à l’avortement sont associés, toutes choses égales par ailleurs, à une plus grande chance de connaître la loi. L’analyse, en appuyant des déclarations des professionnels de la santé et des femmes, montre que malgré sa forte prévalence à Lomé, le recours à l’avortement demeure largement stigmatisé. Les quelques professionnels et femmes qui se sont prononcés en faveur de sa légalisation pensent que celle-ci permettrait de « réduire les avortements clandestins et risqués ». En fait, ce sont les femmes les plus instruites, âgées de 25 ans ou plus, utilisant la contraception, ayant déjà avorté ou connaissant quelqu’un l’ayant fait, qui sont plus aptes à approuver la légalisation de l’avortement. Celles qui appartiennent aux églises de type « pentecôtiste », plus sévères quant aux relations sexuelles hors mariage, sont par contre moins susceptibles que les catholiques d’avoir une telle attitude positive. / Induced abortion remains a taboo topic in Togo and the understanding of the phenomenon is still incomplete. This study aims to provide more complete portrait of its various aspects in the Togolese capital city, Lomé, where an important decrease in fertility has occurred during recent years. Using data from the 1988 and 1998 Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) and from the 2002 Survey on Family Planning and Induced Abortion (EPAP), results clearly show that induced abortion prevalence has increased in Lomé, although the estimate of its magnitude depends on the method used. Overall, more than 32 % of ever-pregnant women declare having had at least one abortion. However, abortion is more common among young women, who make use of it at an earlier age and more frequently than older women. The intensity of abortion should then reduce fertility by 10 to 12 %. Using data from EPAP, conducted among 4755 women aged 15-49, we approached the abortion as a sequence of stages beginning with exposure to a pregnancy, going through a lack of contraceptive use and a declaration of a pregnancy as “unwanted” by the woman, and ending with abortion. While ethnicity and generation influence certain stages leading to the abortion, women’s religion, marital status and age, educational attainment and parity have significant association with all four stages. Thus, the expected high risk of abortion among educated women results from their higher likelihood at all stages. Even if they are less at risk of a pregnancy, women who have at least two children are more likely to use modern contraception, to declare a pregnancy as unwanted and to end it through abortion, compared to childless women. Even if several unwanted pregnancies occur at younger ages, it is mainly the “out of wedlock” character of the pregnancy that leads it to be considered as unwanted and to be interrupted. In addition, women who had a previous abortion or who used contraception are more likely to resort to abortion. The study also shows that the partner often supports the woman in the abortion decision-making process, and, in most cases, he pays the related costs. Even though they are clandestine, more than 40 % of abortions in Lomé are performed in healthcare centers by medical staff, and by using curettage or aspiration. However, in half of these cases (22 %), abortions had been previously attempted using non-medical methods. Probably to keep the abortion secret, many abortions also take place either at home (36 %) or through traditional therapists (24 %) using non-medical abortion methods. Consequently, almost 60 % of abortions resulted in health complications, leading the majority of women to hospitalization. On the psychological and relational side, we find that most women who have had abortions express regrets and remorse, and also commonly speak of problems between themselves and their parents. In fact, parents are rarely involved in the abortion decision-making and almost never pay the abortion fees. Finally, this study shows that the abortion law is barely known in Lomé. However, being older than 24 years, in a relationship or highly educated, having knowledge of contraceptive methods, having a relative or a friend who had an abortion are associated, other factors being equal, to a better knowledge of the law. By supporting qualitative statements from health professionals and women, the analysis illustrated that, despite its high prevalence in Lomé, abortion remains widely stigmatized. The few professionals and women, who are in favour of its legalization, believe that this would “reduce illegal and unsafe abortions”. Opinion on the legalization of abortion, which remains a sensitive and little studied topic, is influenced by women’s characteristics, especially their religion. In fact, women attending “Pentecostal churches”, which are less tolerant of sexual relations outside marriage, are less likely than Catholics to approve the legalization of abortion. The most educated and older women, those who use contraception, who had an abortion or know someone who had an abortion, are also more likely to have such positive attitude.

Traces the inter-related histories of the eugenics movement and birth control, with an emphasis on abortion. Discusses Sarah Weddington's arguments and the Supreme Court's ruling in Roe v Wade. Straws the eugenic influences in the case and asserts that these influences caused the decision to be less than decisive.

Le sujet de l’avortement provoqué demeure encore tabou au Togo et la compréhension du phénomène reste incomplète. La présente étude vise à dresser un portrait complet de ses divers aspects dans la capitale togolaise, qui a connu une baisse importante de la fécondité au cours des dernières années. À partir des données des Enquêtes démographiques et de santé (EDS) de 1988 et 1998, et de celles de l’Enquête sur la planification familiale et l’avortement provoqué (EPAP) de 2002, l’étude montre que le recours à l’avortement est à la hausse à Lomé, bien que l’estimation de son ampleur dépende de la méthode utilisée. Plus de 32 % des femmes ayant déjà été enceintes ont déclaré avoir avorté au moins une fois. Toutefois, l’avortement est plus fréquent chez les jeunes, qui y ont recours de manière plus précoce et plus rapprochée que leurs aînées. En contribuant ainsi à la régulation des naissances, l’avortement réduit la fécondité de 10 à 12 %. En utilisant les données de l’EPAP, réalisée auprès de 4755 femmes âgées de 15-49 ans, nous avons aussi étudié le recours à l’avortement comme une séquence d’étapes débutant par l’exposition au risque de grossesse jusqu’au recours à l’avortement, en passant par une absence de pratique contraceptive et le fait qu’une grossesse qui survient soit déclarée « non désirée ». L’ethnie et la génération sont associées à certaines étapes de la séquence alors que la religion, la parité, le statut matrimonial et le niveau d’instruction sont associés aux quatre étapes. Ainsi, le risque élevé d’avorter chez les femmes instruites découle en fait de leur risque élevé à toutes les étapes. En étant moins à risque de grossesse, les femmes qui ont au moins deux enfants sont plus susceptibles que les nullipares, d’utiliser une contraception moderne, de déclarer une grossesse comme non désirée et d’avorter. Si plusieurs grossesses non désirées surviennent aux âges jeunes, c’est surtout le caractère « hors union » de la grossesse qui fait qu’elle est considérée comme « non désirée » et interrompue. En outre, les femmes qui ont déjà avorté ou utilisé une contraception sont plus enclines à recourir à un avortement. Les résultats montrent également que le partenaire soutient souvent la femme dans la décision d’avorter et s’acquitte des coûts dans la majorité des cas. Malgré le fait qu’ils soient illégaux, plus de 40 % des avortements sont pratiqués à Lomé dans des centres de santé, par un membre du personnel médical, et à l’aide du curetage ou de l’aspiration. Mais, la moitié de ces avortements (22 %) avait été tentée au préalable par des méthodes non médicales. Plusieurs avortements ont aussi lieu soit à domicile (36 %), soit chez des tradi-thérapeutes (24 %), grâce à des méthodes non médicales. Par ailleurs, près de 60 % des avortements ont entraîné des complications sanitaires, conduisant la majorité des femmes à une hospitalisation. Sur le plan psychologique et relationnel, nous avons montré que la plupart des avortements ont entraîné des regrets et remords, de même que des problèmes entre les femmes et leurs parents. Les parents soutiennent en fait peu les femmes dans la décision d’avorter et interviennent rarement dans le paiement des coûts. L’étude a enfin révélé que la loi sur l’avortement est peu connue. Cependant, être âgée de 25 ans ou plus, en union ou très instruite, connaître des méthodes contraceptives, le recours d’une parente ou amie à l’avortement sont associés, toutes choses égales par ailleurs, à une plus grande chance de connaître la loi. L’analyse, en appuyant des déclarations des professionnels de la santé et des femmes, montre que malgré sa forte prévalence à Lomé, le recours à l’avortement demeure largement stigmatisé. Les quelques professionnels et femmes qui se sont prononcés en faveur de sa légalisation pensent que celle-ci permettrait de « réduire les avortements clandestins et risqués ». En fait, ce sont les femmes les plus instruites, âgées de 25 ans ou plus, utilisant la contraception, ayant déjà avorté ou connaissant quelqu’un l’ayant fait, qui sont plus aptes à approuver la légalisation de l’avortement. Celles qui appartiennent aux églises de type « pentecôtiste », plus sévères quant aux relations sexuelles hors mariage, sont par contre moins susceptibles que les catholiques d’avoir une telle attitude positive. / Induced abortion remains a taboo topic in Togo and the understanding of the phenomenon is still incomplete. This study aims to provide more complete portrait of its various aspects in the Togolese capital city, Lomé, where an important decrease in fertility has occurred during recent years. Using data from the 1988 and 1998 Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) and from the 2002 Survey on Family Planning and Induced Abortion (EPAP), results clearly show that induced abortion prevalence has increased in Lomé, although the estimate of its magnitude depends on the method used. Overall, more than 32 % of ever-pregnant women declare having had at least one abortion. However, abortion is more common among young women, who make use of it at an earlier age and more frequently than older women. The intensity of abortion should then reduce fertility by 10 to 12 %. Using data from EPAP, conducted among 4755 women aged 15-49, we approached the abortion as a sequence of stages beginning with exposure to a pregnancy, going through a lack of contraceptive use and a declaration of a pregnancy as “unwanted” by the woman, and ending with abortion. While ethnicity and generation influence certain stages leading to the abortion, women’s religion, marital status and age, educational attainment and parity have significant association with all four stages. Thus, the expected high risk of abortion among educated women results from their higher likelihood at all stages. Even if they are less at risk of a pregnancy, women who have at least two children are more likely to use modern contraception, to declare a pregnancy as unwanted and to end it through abortion, compared to childless women. Even if several unwanted pregnancies occur at younger ages, it is mainly the “out of wedlock” character of the pregnancy that leads it to be considered as unwanted and to be interrupted. In addition, women who had a previous abortion or who used contraception are more likely to resort to abortion. The study also shows that the partner often supports the woman in the abortion decision-making process, and, in most cases, he pays the related costs. Even though they are clandestine, more than 40 % of abortions in Lomé are performed in healthcare centers by medical staff, and by using curettage or aspiration. However, in half of these cases (22 %), abortions had been previously attempted using non-medical methods. Probably to keep the abortion secret, many abortions also take place either at home (36 %) or through traditional therapists (24 %) using non-medical abortion methods. Consequently, almost 60 % of abortions resulted in health complications, leading the majority of women to hospitalization. On the psychological and relational side, we find that most women who have had abortions express regrets and remorse, and also commonly speak of problems between themselves and their parents. In fact, parents are rarely involved in the abortion decision-making and almost never pay the abortion fees. Finally, this study shows that the abortion law is barely known in Lomé. However, being older than 24 years, in a relationship or highly educated, having knowledge of contraceptive methods, having a relative or a friend who had an abortion are associated, other factors being equal, to a better knowledge of the law. By supporting qualitative statements from health professionals and women, the analysis illustrated that, despite its high prevalence in Lomé, abortion remains widely stigmatized. The few professionals and women, who are in favour of its legalization, believe that this would “reduce illegal and unsafe abortions”. Opinion on the legalization of abortion, which remains a sensitive and little studied topic, is influenced by women’s characteristics, especially their religion. In fact, women attending “Pentecostal churches”, which are less tolerant of sexual relations outside marriage, are less likely than Catholics to approve the legalization of abortion. The most educated and older women, those who use contraception, who had an abortion or know someone who had an abortion, are also more likely to have such positive attitude.

This study investigates the representation of women's reproductive rights in the feminist blogopshere during 2009/10 United States health care reform. Focusing on two purposively selected feminist blogsites - Feministing and Jezebel- it critically examines the discursive and rhetorical strategies employed by feminist bloggers to contest the erosion of women's reproductive rights as proposed in health care reform legislation. While the reformation of the U.S. health care system was a lengthy process, my analysis is confined to feminist blog posts published in November 2009, December 2009 and March 2010. These three months have been designated as they are roughly representative of three pivotal stages in health care reform: the drafting of the House of Representatives health care reform bill and Stupak Amendment in November 2009, the creation of the Senate health care bill inclusive of the Nelson compromise in December 2009, and the passage of the finalised health care reform bill, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and supplementary executive order, in March 2010. This study is informed by feminist poststructuralist theory and Foucault's conceptions of discourse and power - an appropriate framework for identifying and analysing the unequal power relations that exist between men and women in patriarchal societies. Foucault conceives of discourse as both socially constituted and constitutive and contends that through the constitution of knowledge, discourses designate acceptable ways of talking, writing, and behaving, while simultaneously restricting and prohibiting alternatives, thereby granting power and authority to specific discourses. However, Foucault also stresses the multi-directionality of power and asserts that though hegemonic discourses are privileged over others, power lays in discursive practice at all social sites; hence the socially and politically transformative power of contesting discourses. Critical discourse analysis is informed by this critical theory of language and regards the use of language as a form of social practice located within its specific historical context. Therefore, it is through engaging in the struggle over meaning and producing different 'truths' through the reappropriation of language that the possibility of social change exists. Employing narrative, linguistic and rhetorical analysis, this study identifies the discursive strategies and tactics utilised by feminist bloggers to combat and contest anti-choice health care legislation. The study further seeks to determine how arguments supportive of women's reproductive rights are framed and how feminist discourses are privileged while patriarchal discourse is contested. Drawing on public sphere theory, I argue that the feminist blogosphere constitutes a counter-public which facili tates the articulation and circulation of marginalised and counter-discourses. I conclude this study by examining the feminist blogopshere's role in promoting political change and transformation through alternative representations of women and their reproductive rights.

Law / LL.M.

The legalising of abortion in many countries has given women the choice or right to decide to terminate pregnancy. The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act (Act No 92 of 1996) was promulgated in 1997. This legislation promotes reproductive rights including to choose between having an unwanted pregnancy terminated early, safely and legally. The legislation affects both the women who choose to terminate pregnancy and the staff involved in the termination of pregnancy (TOP) procedures. This exploratory, descriptive and contextual qualitative study was designed to gain insight into the experiences of registered nurses in the procedure for termination of pregnancy and to explore recommendations based on these experiences. The researcher adopted a phenomenological approach. Participants were drawn from registered nurses providing TOP services at Soshanguve Community Health Centre near Pretoria. Registered nurses have the right to refuse to participate in TOP, those that do provide the service are exposed to emotional and psychological trauma. / Health Studies / M.A.

The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act (CTOP Act 92 of 1996) is perhaps the most revolutionary piece of legislation internationally ever to have been promulgated to regulate abortion and as such women’s reproductive lives. Abortion research tends to focus on the experiences of women and thus cast abortion as solely a territory that represents women’s reproductive concerns and the power to choose to procreate. While the CTOP Act safeguards women’s right of choice and a form of determination relating to what happens to their bodies, it also fails to recognise or even make pronouncements about the role that a man plays in the choice to terminate a pregnancy as well as how abortion affects a man’s life. This therefore implies that legally, men do not have a stake to influencing the decision to terminate a pregnancy. This qualitative study was undertaken to explore how young unmarried males whose partners have undergone an abortion construct abortion and the meanings that they attach to the experience of abortion. Interviews were conducted and the data was analysed using discourse analysis. Some of the young men knew about the woman’s decision to have an abortion and others did not know. Common findings include a sense of helplessness due to feeling that the decision is ultimately that of the woman, anger for those who did not know about the decision to abort and a lack of forgiveness towards their partners. / Psychology / M.A. (Clinical Psychology)

This dissertation deals with a theological-ethical evaluation of the Termination of Pregnancy Act of 1996 on the area of abortion on demand. It aims at empowering women and also solving the problem of backstreet abortion. Chapter one gives a brief introduction to the Termination of Pregnancy Act of 1996. Chapter two gives a historical background of abortion and the factors tbat eventually led to the Termination of Pregnancy Act of 1996. Chapter three focuses mainly on the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church on abortion. Issues relating to the value of human life are discussed in this chapter. Is~~es relating to the Termination of Pregnancy Act of 1996 and their theologicalethical in.Jplications are discussed in this chapter, i.e. chapter four. Empowering of women, sex education, instilling good moral values to the youth and also changing the pastoral attitude of churches towards sexuality can help to alleviate the problem of unwanted pregnancy. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Theological Ethics)

The dissertation critically examines and compares the decisions of the Constitutional Court and the High Courts in cases dealing with the right to life, as contained in section 11 of the Constitution of South Africa Act 108 of 1996. The dissertation analysis the issues of adjudication and the concept of justice in perspective. The main question is as follows: Are the Constitutional Court decisions objective, based on the interpretation of the constitutional text, or do they rather reflect the individual judge(s) personal perspective(s) or preference(s). The purpose of this dissertation is to undertake a comparative study and analysis of the Constitutional Court decisions on the right to life, same aspect from different perspective, and show that the right to life is not given proper effect to on account of the subjective approach to its interpretation undertaken by the judges. It examines and scrutinises the Constitutional Court’s adjudication process. It found that the law is indeterminable, because the court’s decisions are not based on the interpretation of the law, but on the individual judges’ background and personal preferences. This is so because the court uses the majority rule principle in its decisions: The perception of the majority of the judges becomes a decision of the court. It is argued that when taking a decision a judge does not apply the law but instead uses the law to justify his predetermined decision on the matter. The conclusion supports the critical legal scholars’ theory relating to the indeterminacy of the law. It tests the objectivity of the judges using their own previous decisions. / Criminal & Procedural Law / LLM