Text in Afrikaans / History / M.A. (Geskiedenis)

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (History of Art), March 2017 / Within this research report, I explore how the (re-)integration of writing and photography enhances an understanding of the role of the personal within documentary practices. I focus on a portion of the Frobenius Archive as my case study, specifically the documents produced during the five-week Natal leg of the ninth expedition in early 1929. The German Leo Frobenius (b.1873–d.1938) was a primarily self-taught Africanist ethnographer, who had an interdisciplinary practice that blurred the boundaries between anthropology, archaeology and history. He conducted a total of twelve expeditions within Africa between 1904 and 1935, and his objective on these expeditions was to record ways of life that he felt were vulnerable to changes due to modernity. The documents collected during the Natal leg consist of field notes, photographs, hand-drawn pictures and diary entries. The field notes comprise of a set of eleven rock art site descriptions that have been constructed by the three artists: Maria Weyersberg, Elisabeth Mannsfeld and Agnes Schulz. Weyersberg’s diary entries provide a more impressionistic set of notes, tracking the day-today unfolding of their journey (but with many gaps). The subject matter of the photographs ranges from the rock art sites and the landscapes these sites are a part of, to the people they encountered along the way. I engaging with the concept of writing, particularly through the example of Weyersberg’s personal diaries, and the ways in which these entries relate to the photographs, creating a space in between where the personal relationships would have played themselves out. Within this research report I demonstrate that writing and photography can be brought back together in order to restore something of the original encounter and that this (re-)integration offers an opportunity for a new dialogue and a new understanding to be achieved. / MT2018

A Research Project Submitted to the Faculty of Education, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Education. Johannesburg, 1982 / This research project examines the influence of the philosophy of Christian National Education (C.N.E.) on the principles underlying South African education,and attempts to determine the general trend of that influence from 1948 to 1982. To this end the project investigates the nature of C.N.E. by tracing the development of the C.N.E. movement from its origins to the publication of its official policy statement in 1948. This historical overview highlights the fundamental shift in the movement from a religious to a more secular and national outlook, as C.N.E. became associated more closely with Afrikaner Nationalism and the National Party Government. An examination of its effect on South African education reveals that C.N.E. was a powerful influence on the system of Bantu Education and permeated many aspects of White education. In recent years, however, C.N.E.'s influence has been less noticeable and some of its tenets compromised. No C.N.E. bias was detected in the principles of the de Lange Commission (198i). From these findings it seems that C.N.E. has lost its impetus and appeal for many Afrikaners. Nevertheless, the rightwing Afrikaner reaction, against the de Lange Report and in favour of C.N.E., suggests that this educational philosophy still is subscribed to by a powerful section of Afrikanerdom.

The lay Dominicans in South Africa, originally known as the Third Order of the St. Dominic, consist of lay associates of the Friars of the Order of Preachers (or the Dominican Order). St. Dominic founded the Order of Preachers in 1216. From the Order's earliest foundation, lay people were associated with its life and preaching mission. Originally known as the Order of Penance, it emerged out of the thirteenth century reform movement of church and society known as the vita apostolica. One of the most prominent of these was St. Catherine of Siena. Many women were inspired to follow her example. Later a rule was developed for the Third Order, also known as tertiaries. The tertiaries were first introduced into South Africa in 1888 by the Dominican sisters of Kingwilliamstown who accepted some women as candidates for the congregation of sisters. Later when the Dominican friars arrived in the country in 1917, Fr. Laurence Shapcote who started the first Dominican mission in Boksburg, accepted tertiaries. The first chapters were established in Boksburg, Louis Bertrand mission near Potchefstroom and Stellenbosch. The tertiaries were primarily a pious or devotional society of associate priests, solitary members (lone tertiaries) and chapter members. They emphasised the importance of the spiritual life, understood at the time, as attaining Christian perfection. From their origins in South Africa, the tertiaries included both men and women from the various racial and economic strata of apartheid society. The tertiaries grew and developed rapidly from 1940 to 1960. They had a wide appeal because of the resurgence of contemplation and the monastic life during this period. In some parishes, particularly African ones, the Dominican friars were training tertiaries as lay ministers. In this way the tertiaries anticipated the changes that took place during the Second Vatican Council and the greater role given to the laity in the church. During the 1960s, the first signs of a decline in interest in the tertiaries becomes apparent. Initially, the tertiaries responded well to the challenges of Vatican II but membership of the chapters declined considerably during 1970s and 1980s. The social conditions within church and society began to change. The changes allowed by Vatican II gave laity greater responsibility within the church as catechists, communion ministers, members of the parish council and deacons. This caused a crisis of identity for the lay Dominicans after the Council. By the early 1980s many groups had collapsed as fewer laity joined the lay Dominicans preferring to involve themselves in parish ministries than join a chapter. The lay Dominicans remained primarily a pious society. Some of the tertiaries involved themselves in lay ministries. In African parishes, lay Dominicans like Nicholas Lekoane, Joel Moja, Sixtus Msomi in Kwa Thema and Thomas Moeketsi in Heilbron rose to prominence as lay ministers. It was particularly in Kwa Thema that some innovative contributions were made in parish apostolates with the establishment of the parish ward system. However, the intensification of the struggle against apartheid highlighted the need for a more prophetic spirituality which encouraged people to involve themselves in social change. As an organisation the lay Dominicans were never involved in anti-apartheid work with the exception of a few of individuals - Advocate Herbert Vierya, and Jimmy and Joan Stewart, Major Mehan, Barbara Versfeld and Fr. S'mangsliso Mkhatshwa. Consequently, the lay Dominicans were considered, even by the Dominican friars, as increasingly irrelevant and neglected them in their ministerial outreach. By 1984 the Lay Dominicans were still in existence but even the National Promoter, Douglas Wiseman, called for the disestablishment of the lay Dominican groups in their present form. This never happened. During the 1980s, there were some creative attempts to revive and renew the lay Dominicans. The Dominican Family group was started in Cape Town that sought to bring together all the different members of the Dominican family: friars, sisters and laity. Another group was also established with a specific focus and mission as teachers in Dominican schools in Cape Town. This group developed into the Blessed Jordan of Saxony chapter. Even though the number of lay Dominican chapters declined, nevertheless, the organisation did not collapse. The lay Dominicans battled to come to grips with the challenges of a church that allowed greater participation of the laity in parish life. It was unable to transform its spirituality to allow for this shift in ecclesial life. Neither did it take up the challenges of involvement in issues of justice and peace. Young people did not find involvement in the organisation attractive and so membership continued to dwindle. The question remains whether the lay Dominicans can provide a genuine lay spirituality according to the mind of Vatican II? / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2007.

This dissertation focuses on the migrant performance genre isicathamiya, a genre which was popular amongst migrant workers in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng in the nineteen thirties and forties. It explores contemporary isicathamiya and asks whether there have been paradigmatic shifts in its content in post-apartheid South African society. By way of introduction, the origins and development as well as some of the themes and features of isicathamiya are highlighted. Hereafter scholarly accounts of migrant performance genres are discussed in conjunction with the cultural re-orientation of migrants in urban centers. The introduction is intended to contextualise the genre by alluding to the politics and aesthetics of isicathamiya performances. Leading on from the introduction, the first chapter of this body of research is a reflection upon the characteristics of oral literature; from the point of view of a literary scholar, I also discuss the problems of interpretation I experienced in this study of mediated isicathamiya lyrics. I propose that isicathamiya performances and texts are elements of oral literature and begin to define them as such. My intention in chapter two is to explore how local performances have influenced global culture. I ask if oral literature from South Africa has contributed to the global market. I ask what Ladysmith Black Mambazo, the internationally acclaimed isicathamiya choir, has invested in "First World culture" and suggest that there is in existence a transcultural flow of energy between the "so-called centre" and "so-called periphery". In chapter three I suggest that the local and global are in a state of dialogue. I hope to establish a dialogue between local isicathamiya choirs and Ladysmith Black Mambazo. In essence, Ladysmith Black Mambazo has exported a musical form that has its foundations in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng. This chapter takes readers back to the source of the genre. I take into consideration Veit Erimann's scholarly studies of isicathamiya in Nightsong: Performance, Power and Practice in South Africa. Focus falls upon the paradigm of rural/ urban migration in isicathamiya song and the importance of "home" in sustaining migrants in the city. The notion of "homeliness" as a trope in isicathamiya performances is discussed. By extension, in chapter four, I ask whether the notion of "home" emphasized by Veit Erlmann is of significance in contemporary isicathamiya performance. Consequently, I adopt a comparative approach and set out to identify the changes and continuities in contemporary isicathamiya performances in response to transformations within postapartheid society. I ask why isicathamiya is significant in post-apartheid South African society. What is its importance for personal and collective identity? What is being articulated within contemporary performances? Does isicathamiya provide a cultural space, a forum in which public debate (regarding leaders, policies and concerns) can be staged? Most importantly, is the thematic paradigm between the rural and urban world still visible in contemporary isicathamiya? Is contemporary isicathamiya still grounded on the notion of "homeliness", or have new thematic paradigms emerged in contemporary isicathamiya performances? I propose that South Africa in the present, is itself the site of multiple cultures and fragmented histories. The country and its people are searching for a new unitary meaning in the post-apartheid era. My argument is that isicathamiya texts are elements of postcolonial and post-apartheid literature. I suggest that language, through isicathamiya performance, can show a way back into reinterpreting the past and stitching together a different present. Isicathamiya texts give hints of journeys and point to identities, shared histories and cultural landscapes. Isicathamiya makes possible the sharing of knowledge and knowledge systems, and is an opportunity to hear un-erased histories and un-silenced voices. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

The aim of this thesis is to bring together scattered information about the South African textile industry in an endeavour to give its growth some semblance of order up to 1948. The thesis commences by looking at the early colonial period, from the arrival of the 1820 Settlers and the first mill they established. As wool and cotton are basic commodities in the textile industry, these are dealt with from the arrival of Jan van Riebeeck in 1652, as is the colonial economy. The development of the industry is tabled , in chronological order, from 1822 covering where mills were sited and their founders. Two chapters are devoted to the leading pioneers in the industry - Harris, Mauerberger, Beier and Frame. The position of trade unions and the role of the state in the industry are looked at, subsequently. The thesis concludes with an assessment of the industry up to 1948. The question is posed as to the future of the textile industry in the South African economy. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2000.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 1992 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:The aim of this study was to compile a description of the life and contribution of Stephanus Petrus Erasmus, eastern frontier pioneer and Voortrekker. Secondly, Erasmus has been set against the background of the problems of the frontier farmers of the north-eastern frontier wards, Brak River and Kraai River in the years 1825 - 1837. Stephanus Erasmus was christened as the surname child of Daniel Elardus and cat.har-dria Elisabeth Erasmus in April 1788. In 1804 or 1805 Daniel Erasmus moved from the Graaff-Reinet district to the Swellendam district. Here Stephanus Erasmus married Maartje Wilhelmina Zacharia Kruger in 1812. At least ten children were born out of this marriage, while a second marriage to Anna Maria Neethling produced a daughter. Erasmus moved to the Beaufort district in 1821. From 1822 1824 he -'resided in the Graaff-Reinet area, and from 1825 he settled in the new district of SomersetEast. Like many of the other frontier farmers, this frontier pioneer probably participated in the northeastern migration for economical and geographical reasons. Erasmus played a leading role in this district in the capacity of provisional field cornet for Brak River. From 1835 he was field cornet for the new ward of Kraai River where he settled on the farm Mooiplaats. As a respected leader, Erasmus was fully aware of the administrative neglect of the north-eastern frontier wards. The progressive destabilisation of these wards, as well as the conflict between groups of black refugees this the uncertainty regarding dissatisfaction with frontier farmers, contributed insecurity. The question of for concern to Erasmus and his The their and the north-eastern towards the feeling of landownership was a cause fellow pioneer farmers. issue contributed to British government. Like many other frontier farmers, Stephanus Erasmus came into conflict with the authorities with regard to the treatment of his slaves. To make matters worse, a murder charge was brought against him after he had shot and killed a black man in the execution of his duties as field cornet. In 1836 Erasmus went on a hunting expedition in the direction of the Vaal River. During this expedition the Ndebele of Mzilikazi ambushed them on 21 August 1836 and two of Erasmus's sons were killed. Two days later Erasmus took part in the Vaal River battle. Erasmus then returned to the Colony from where he emigrated by the middle of 1837. As the leader of his own trek he held the office of commandant. It appears that he was a distinguished and revered Voortrekker leader. He was, for example, one of the six commandants at the battle of Blood River, and was in a leadership position during the battle of the White-Mfolozi. As a citizen of the Republic of Natal, Erasmus played a leading role in public life. He was a member of the Volksraad as well as a member of the Council of Landdros and Heemrade. After Britain had annexed Natal, Erasmus moved to Winburg and Potchefstroom. In 1845 he went to Ohrigstad where he died in February 1847. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:Die doel van hierdie studie was om 'n beskrywing van die lewe en bydrae van Stephanus Petrus Erasmus, oosgrenspionier en Voortrekker, te gee. Tweedens is Erasmus geplaas teen die agtergrond van die probleme van die grensboere van die noordoostelike grenswyke, Brakrivier en Kraairivier, in die jare 1825 - 1837. stephanus Erasmus is in April 1788 gedoop as 'n kind van Daniel Elardus en Catharina Elisabeth Erasmus. Teen 1804 of 1805 het Daniel Erasmus van die distrik Graaff-Reinet na die distrik Swellendam verhuis. Stephanus Erasmus is in die distrik in 1812 met Maartje Wilhelmina Zacharia Kruger getroud. uit hierdie huwelik is minstens tien kinders gebore, terwyl nog In dogter uit 'n tweede huwelik met Anna Maria Neethling gebore is. Erasmus het in 1821 na die distrik Beaufort verhuis. Van 1822 1824 was hy in die distrik Graaff-Reinet woonagtig. Sedert 1825 het Erasmus hom in die nuwe distrik Somerset-Oos gevestig. Soos sy mede-grensboere het die grensboerpionier waarskynlik vanwee ekonomiese en geografiese redes aan die noordoosmigrasie deelgeneem. In die distrik het Erasmus In belangrike leiersrol vervul as provisionele veldkornet van Brakrivier en sedert 1835 as veldkornet van die nuwe wyk Kraairivier. Daar het hy hom op die plaas Mooiplaats gevestig. As In gerespekteerde leiersfiguur sou Erasmus deeglik kennis neem van die administratiewe verwaarlosing van die , noordoosgrenswyke. Die toenemende destabilisasie van die noordoosgrenswyke en die konflik tussen groepe swart vlugtelinge en die noordoosgrensboere het tot die gevoel van onveiligheid bygedra. Die reg op grondbesit het Erasmus en sy mede-grensboere na aan die hart gele en onsekerheid rondom hierdie kwessie het tot toenemende ontevredenheid teenoor die Britse regering gelei. Soos talle ander grensboere het Stephanus Erasmus met die regering gebots as gevolg van die behandeling van sy slawe. Om sake te vererger is 'n moordaanklag teen hom aanhangig gemaak nadat hy 'n swartman in die uitvoering van sy pligte as veldkornet doodgeskiet het. In 1836 het Erasmus 'n jagtog in die rigting van die Vaalrivier onderneem. Hiertydens het die Ndebele van Mzilikazi op 21 Augustus 1836 'n verrassingsaanval op sy j agkamp geloods en is onder andere twee van Erasmus se seuns gedood. Hierop het Erasmus twee dae later aan die Vaalrivierslag deelgeneem. Daarna het Erasmus eers na die Kolonie teruggekeer en teen die middel van 1837 het hy geemigreer. As leier van sy eie trek het hy die amp van kommandant beklee. Dit blyk dat hy 'n vername en gewaardeerde Voortrekkerleier was. Hy was byvoorbeeld een van die ses kommandante by die slag van Bloedrivier en ook in 'n leiershoedanigheid tydens die slag van die Wit-Mfolozi. As burger van die Republiek van Natal het Erasmus 'n leiersrol in die openbare lewe gespeel. Hy was naamlik Volksraadslid en lid van die Raad van Landdros en Heemrade in Natal. Na die Britse anneksasie van Natal het die ou Voortrekker na Winburg en Potchefstroom verhuis waarna hy in 1845 na ohrigstad getrek het. Hier is Erasmus in Februarie 1847 oorlede.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In the early 1970s the National Party government under B.l Vorster experienced serious problems due to its policy on the Coloured population. Issues concerning the mutual relations between the population groups came strongly to the fore and the government's policy of separate development was subject to widespread and severe criticism. The period 1970-1974 is generally regarded as a time of change in South Afiica due to international and foreign pressures. South Afiica's position in the international community deteriorated dramatically and attitudes towards the Republic became increasingly hostile in the rest of the world. Furthermore, the Vorster government was confronted with two opposing schools of thought within the party itself, the so-called verligtes and the verkramptes. During the 1970s the political decision-making processes became entangled in a continuous struggle between the enlightened wing of the National Party, the so-called Cape Liberals, and a more conservative element, the verkramptes of the Transvaal. Race relations issues and the government's Coloured policy in particular were often the source of contention. In March 1973 Vorster appointed a Commission of Enquiry into Matters Relating to the Coloured Population Group. It was chaired by prof Erika Theron, formerly professor in Social Work at the University of Stellenbosch. The Theron Commission, as it became known generally, consisted of twenty members, six of whom were Coloureds. The Commission had to investigate the following: the progress made by the Coloured population group since 1960 in the social, economic and constitutional spheres as well as in the fields of local management, culture and sport; constraining factors in the various fields that could be identified as sources of contention; and any other related matters. The Theron Commission's report was tabled in parliament three years later on 18 June 1976. The Soweto riots that broke out two days before, however, forced news of the report out of the newspapers and caused its influence to be largely dissipated. The Theron report contained a number of recommendations that were directly in conflict with the government's apartheid policy and were hence not acceptable to the government. Consequently, the government - by way of an interim memorandum and a later white paper - rejected those recommendations that affected the core of its apartheid policy. The recommendations included the repeal of the Mixed Marriages Act (Act 55 of 1949) and Section 16 of the Immorality Act (Act 23 of 1957), two of the cornerstones of the policy of apartheid. Recommendation No. 178, in which the commission recommended direct representation for Coloureds at the various levels of government, was also rejected by the government. The potential influence of the Theron Commission's report to influence change was thus firmly nipped in the bud. The government's reaction caused bitter disappointment among the Coloured population as well as enlightened Whites and at the same time fuelled the conflict between the verligtes and the verkramptes. It also ensured intensified criticism from the opposition parties, especially the United Party. Yet the recommendations of the Theron Commision's report played a prominent role in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when the wheels of political change began to tum, and let to the tricameral parliamentary system of 1984 in which the Coloured population group was also represented. The Arbeidersparty of South Africa (APSA) - Ministers' Council, which was in control of the House of Representatives from 1984 to 1992, consistently endeavoured to negotiate a better social, economic and constitutional position for the Coloured population on the basis of the Theron Commission's report. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die vroeë sewentigerjare van die twintigste eeu het die Nasionale Party-regering, onder die bewind van BJ. Vorster, ernstige probleme ten opsigte van sy Kleurlingbeleid ondervind. Probleme rondom die bevolkingsverhoudingsvraagstuk het sterk op die voorgrond getree en die regering se beleid van afsonderlike ontwikkeling aan wydverspreide en hewige kritiek onderwerp. Die tydperk 1970-1974 word allerweë deur kritici beskou as 'n tydperk van verandering in Suid-Afrika vanweë toenemende binne- en buitelandse druk. Suid-Afrika se posisie binne die internasionale gemeenskap het drasties verswak en die buiteland het 'n vyandige gesindheid jeens die Republiek geopenbaar. Daarbenewens het die Vorster-regering gebuk gegaan onder twee botsende denkrigtings binne die partygeledere, die sogenaamde verligtes en die verkramptes. Die politieke besluitnemingsprosesse van die sewentigerjare was vasgevang tussen die verligte vleuel van die Nasionale Party, die sogenaamde Cape Liberals, en 'n meer konserwatiewe element, die verkramptes van Transvaal tussen wie daar 'n voortdurende stryd gewoed het. Die bevolkingsverhoudingsvraagstuk en die regering se Kleurlingbeleid was gereeld in die spervuur. In Maart 1973 het Vorster 'n Kommissie van Ondersoek na Aangeleenthede rakende die Kleurlingbevolkingsgroep aangestel. Die voorsitter was prof Erika Theron, voormalige hoogleraar in Maatskaplike Werk aan die Universiteit van Stellenbosch. Die Theronkommissie, soos dit algemeen bekend sou staan, is saamgestel uit twintig lede waaronder ses Kleurlinge. Die kommissie moes ondersoek instel na die volgende: die vordering van die Kleurlingbevolkingsgroep sedert 1960 op maatskaplike, ekonomiese en staatkundige gebied asook op die terreine van plaaslike bestuur, kultuur en sport; stremmende faktore op die verskillende terreine wat as knelpunte geïdentifiseer kon word; en enige verdere verwante sake. Die Theron-verslag is drie jaar later op 18 Junie 1976 in die parlement ter tafel gelê. Die Soweto-onluste wat twee dae tevore uitgebreek het, het egter die verslag van die persblaaie verdring en die invloed daarvan grootliks verlore laat gaan. Die Theron-verslag het aanbevelings bevat wat lynreg in stryd was met die apartheidsbeleid en wat nie vir die regering aanneemlik was nie. Gevolglik het die regering by wyse van 'n tussentydse memorandum en 'n latere witskrif daardie aanbevelings wat die kern van sy apartheidsbeleid aangetas het, afgekeur. Onder die aanbevelings was die herroeping van die Wet op die Verbod van Gemengde Huwelike (Wet No. 55 van 1949) en Artikel 16 van die Ontugwet (Wet No. 23 van 1957), twee van die hoekstene van die apartheidsbeleid. Aanbeveling No. 178, waarin die kommissie regstreekse verteenwoordiging vir die Kleurlinge op die verskillende owerheidsvlakke en in besluitnemingsprosesse aanbeveel het, is ook deur die regering afgekeur. Sodoende is die Theron-verslag se potensiële invloed tot verandering in die kiem gesmoor. Die regering se reaksie het bittere teleurstelling onder die Kleurlinge en die verligte blankes veroorsaak en terselfdertyd die fel stryd tussen die verligtes en die verkramptes aangewakker. Dit het ook toenemende kritiek komende van die opposisiepartye, veral die Verenigde Party, op die regering verseker. Die aanbevelings van die Theron-verslag het nietemin 'n prominente rol gespeel in die laat sewentigerjare en vroeë tagtigerjare toe die wiel van politieke veranderinge begin draai het en uitgeloop het op die Driekamerparlementstelsel van 1984 waarbinne die Kleurlinge ook verteenwoordig was. Die Arbeidersparty van Suid-Afrika (APSA) - Ministersraad wat sedert 1984 tot 1992 in beheer van die Raad van Verteenwoordigers binne die Driekamerparlement was, het hom voortdurend beywer om aan die hand van die Theronverslag, 'n beter sosiale, ekonomiese en staatkundige posisie vir die Kleurlinge te beding.

The "Reminiscences" of Thomas Stubbs are one of several such compositions which have survived from the 1820 Settlers. The manuscript offers one of the fullest and most lively accounts of frontier life, and the experiences of the Settlers as seen through the eyes of Thomas Stubbs. The object of this thesis has been to reconstruct the life of Thomas Stubbs which has proved an arduous yet absorbing task and to comment upon and evaluate some of the views Stubbs expressed when he wrote the "Reminiscences" between 1874 and 1875, as well as to test, where possible, the validity of the opinions and sentiments formed during a half-century's acquaintance with the Eastern frontier of the Cape of Good Hope.

M.A. (History) / The main purpose of this study is to expose a hidden dimension in the annals of African resistance politics. This dimension has never received adequate attention thus the repercussions of its influence has not been adequately accounted for. This dimension is centred on the causes and consequences of conflict between the ANC Africanist Youth League and the Communist Party. The Africanist Youth League was convinced that its conflict with the Communist Party was in defence of African nationalism and self-determination. The Communist Party's infiltration of the ANC and its concerted efforts to derail it and the Youth League from African Nationalism, comes under critical scrutiny in this study. Thus, the popular view of the Youth League's conflict with the ANC is proved to have been the sub-plot of the main ideological rivalry between the Communist Party and the ANC Youth League.