Bibliography: p. 202-206. / This study sets out to examine the order of categories and values, structuring men's thought and perception at a fundamental level although not systematically formulated, in terms of which the Transkeian magistrates viewed the African communities under their governance. It is thus an essay in colonial administration, but the critical focus has been narrowed and is centred primarily upon the ideas and assumptions the magistrates used in the business of administration to explain society, government and law. At the same time, a major concern of this work has been to place the particular problem with which it deals - the elucidation of magisterial ideas and attitudes - within a wider framework of contemporary social and political thought, to fit them into the matrix of Victorian culture as it conditioned and shaped the administrators' perceptions and responses touching the indigenous black population. A methodological pitfall opens here, of assimilating individual or local currents of ideas to more general patterns - the 'climate of opinion' or what Matthew Arnold called the 'main movement of mind' of the age; of trying to press disparate, multifarious and often carelessly formulated ideas and assumptions into a conceptual framework or theoretical construct that was independently arrived at and presented as given. The mode of procedure followed was one that allowed the source material to suggest broader patterns and larger perspectives according to which it could be most intelligibly and satisfyingly ordered; one also that wove together various logically independent concepts and general propositions, derived from general studies of the topic and period, and brought them to bear on the Transkeian situation. In this way it is hoped that the main features and contours of the magisterial mind have been rendered with as much precision of detail and emphasis as the demands of analytical depth and conceptual rigour would permit.

Bibliography: leaves 146-158. / This dissertation attempts to answer the question "Do the methodological and epistemological proposals of John M. Frame have anything to contribute to the construction of a contextual evangelical theology in South Africa - a theology which is both faithful to its evangelical roots and yet radically engaged with the contemporary context?" This question is dealt with in four stages. Firstly, Frame's theology is expounded against the background of its context in America. Secondly, four aspects of Frame's theology are critically evaluated. They are perspectivalism, theology as application, hermeneutics, and the relationship between theology and praxis. This evaluation has three dimensions. It investigates the relationship between Frame's theology and the historic Reformed tradition. It examines the use that is made of Frame's theology by other theologians related to the Westminster Seminaries, in particular, the work of Harvie M. Conn and Vern S. Poythress. Finally, the evaluation seeks to examine the usefulness of Frame's theology in the South African context. This analysis results in the identification of certain weaknesses in Frame's methodological proposals. The conclusion of this dissertation is that Frame's theology provides certain methodological tools which can be employed in the construction of a contextual South African theology which is both radically engaged with its context, and faithful to the core of the evangelical tradition. For this to be possible it is proposed that certain modifications need to be made to overcome the weaknesses of Frame's theology. These modifications are the following: the integration of a strongly christological approach to Frame's concept of lordship with particular reference to a theology of the cross; the affirmation that God is, in a particular way, the God of the poor and oppressed; an understanding of the accommodated and context-relatedness of biblical revelation, and the incorporation of perspectives from the sociology of knowledge.

Bibliography: pages 122-128. / The dominant and current theory about the African National Congress in the 1940s is that the Youth League in particular, led by the young, aspirant middle-class intellectuals, radicalised the organisation: that it was a bourgeois revolution within the ANC that led to its rejuvenation. This thesis presents an alternative viewpoint. The study reveals that in Port Elizabeth, there was a distinctively communist-trade unionist oriented group which revolutionalised the ANC: It was this group which consolidated racial and class co-operation against the apartheid system in the mid-1940s and early 1950s. This thesis postulates that in Port Elizabeth it was the working-class activists such as Raymond Mhlaba, with their militant working-class ideologies that gave the ANC a new lease of life and gave the organisation its broad mass appeal. The thesis therefore examines Raymond Mhlaba as an actor in the founding of the Congress Alliance in Port Elizabeth. It looks at how Mhlaba succeeded in building a firm alliance between the trade union movement, the Communist Party and the ANC. It is through this alliance that we learn about the political transformation of the ANC 'from below', that is, from a working-class cadre of activists rather than the middle-class leadership. Mhlaba himself was involved in all three formations and thus played a key role in the alliance politics. Chapter one examines the period before 1941 in order to provide background to the central focus of the study. It looks at the history of the Eastern Cape, Mhlaba's birth place Fort Beaufort, and his early life in the context of the subject of enquiry, the national struggle in its wider context, and the political economy of the period between 1910 to 1941. Through these perspectives the study is able to examine and show the changing forms that the struggle takes at different periods of time. It gives an understanding of the influence of those historical developments on the period and of the form that the struggle took during the period under study. Chapter two looks at the period 1942 to 1946, the years of Mhlaba's early involvement in the labour and political movements. It examines how, when and why Mhlaba got involved in these movements. The study considers the relationship between the Council of Non-European Trade Unions (CNETU) trade unionists, the communists and the ANC activists. (Mhlaba belonged to all three formations.) It looks at how the ANC leadership was changed from a middle into a working class and Mhlaba's role in this transformation. Also the study examines how mass action in this period reflected racial and class co- operation; and the emergence of a distinctively working class leadership. Chapter three examines Mhlaba's leadership role in the ANC and the Communist Party. It looks at examples of mass action and a selection of important events that took place between 1947 to 1952, in order to demonstrate how the foundation of the broad Congress Alliance solidified. That unity was influenced by the changing polity, post war conditions, and new leadership which included Mhlaba, in Port Elizabeth. Chapter four examines the clandestine conditions in which Mhlaba operated, from 1953 until his imprisonment at Rivonia in 1963. It looks at: the transition from open mass organisation to underground mobilisation; the implementation of the M-Plan; the activities of the Communist Party underground. At the same time it examines the sustenance of the mass organisation through the formation of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) and the use of strategies such as stayaways and consumer boycotts in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The chapter also looks at repression by the government, which led to Mhlaba's departure to China, and finally his arrest at Rivonia in 1963.

Includes bibliographies. / As a feminist exploration of the problematic relationship between Afrikaans women and Afrikaner nationalism, this thesis is primarily concerned with the construction of the social identities of Afrikaans women between 1919 and 1931, the crucial formative years of Afrikaner nationalism. The relationship between women and Afrikaner nationalism is thus addressed by an investigation at the level of intellectual history. The emergence of Afrikaner nationalism at the beginning of the 20th century was accompanied by the articulation of a distinctive gender discourse, the study of which is central to this thesis. Within this discourse, which may be termed the "volksmoeder" discourse, a new identity and new roles were contrived for Afrikaner women. We first investigate the social and historical context in which the discourse was generated and then analyse the "volksmoeder" discourse itself by focusing on texts from Die Boerevrou, a women's magazine launched by Mabel Malherbe in 1919. Rather than taking the Die Boerevrou-texts for granted or seeing them as simple reflections of reality, they are investigated as constructions. The questions of why these particular constructions had appeared in that specific context and what ends they achieved are posed. Rather than simply taking the discursive constructions at face value they are construed as "answers" to certain underlying social and historical issues. On a theoretical level the problem of the construction of gender and ethnic identities is informed by recent work in the field of discourse analysis, while the imagining or invention of nation-communities is discussed with reference to the work of Benedict Anderson, Ernst Gellner, Eric Hobsbawm and Tom Nairn. The investigation of Die Boerevrou-texts as particular articulations of the volksmoeder discourse shows how the social identities of Afrikaans women were socially constructed in the volksmoeder discourse. It suggests that the social subjectivities of Afrikaans women were by no means simple or transparent. In the texts of Die Boerevrou it becomes clear that even while being shaped by Afrikaner nationalism, women themselves were active in the shaping of Afrikaner nationalism. While they were constituted as subjects in the anti-feminist discourse of Afrikaner nationalism, they remained mobile within this discourse: always negotiating, planning, creating and articulating new identities and roles for themselves. The image of women as passive victims of a male Afrikaner discourses is thus denied. However, it is asserted that the volksmoeder discourse as a gender discourse can and should be severely criticised from a feminist perspective.

"The personal oral account can be a source not for knowing that something was so, but for wondering about questions that are not often considered. So this should be seen not as a (paper) with historical or soc~logical conclusions but as a stimulus to further investigation" On the 25 September 1984, the Cape Nationalist Party Congress in Cape Town adopted three resolutions. They were: a) To scrap the Coloured Labour Preference Policy (CLPP). b) The introduction of 99 year lease-hold for Africans qualified to be in the Western Cape. This,the new state president announced1would apply to Khayelitsha and "certain other areas". c) The "repatriation" of the estimated 1001 000 'illegals'in Cape 2 - . Town. This decision should be seen as a recognition by the State of the apparent failure of influx control in the Western Cape - the very region where it has historically been the most stringently applied. The chief director of the Western Cape Development Board, Mr J Gunter, was himself reported to have said in August that attempts to stop the tide of black 'urbanisation' had failed.

From the available sources, it is now evident that by the end of the thirteenth century, the Vhavenda has already established themselves in Venda and that the Vhasenzi and Vhalemba subjugated them towards the turn of the seventeenth century and that after the disappearance of Thohoyandou, they spread throughout the country. The arrival of the Voortrekkers under Louis Tregardt coincided with civil strife following the death of a chief. The Boers were cordially received but after ramabulana's death, Makhado who had been assisted by them to gain control of the nation, turned against them and compelled them to evacuate Schoemansdal in 1867. The involvement of the Boers in matters of succession became habitual. The weaker aspirants as a rule fled to the Boers for military assistance, and ultimately they found themselves confronted by the legitimate heir, Mphephu. Mphephu's stubborn resistance and refusal to pay taxation was viewed as calculated defiance of the authority of the Republic. The protection offered to Maemu and Sinthumule created the impression that the Boers were furthering their cause. This period of history which led to minunderstanding and friction between the opposing parties has, in my opinion not been adequately handled by earlier writers who maintained that refusal to pay taxation, to allow a census to be taken and to receive the Local Commision, were the major causes of conflict. I have tried to show that these secondary factors brought to light by earlier writers were only contributory to the main cause - the problem of succession which in itself created an atmosphere of discontent which ultimately led to hostilities. The Boer expedition of 1898 appeared to Vhavenda to be an escalation of the civil war for supremacy between Mphephu and Sinthumule. Against this background, they felt compelled to defy General P.J. Joubert and to take up arms against him. The Boer forces, with their military skill and their Black allies, drove Mphephu from Luatame with little resistance. His fligh to Mirondoni where he hoped to be assisted by the gods and the expected arrival of the British South African Police led to further loss of life. Had he crossed the Vhembe immediately after the burning of Luatame on 16 November 1898, many people would have survived and few would have been taken prisoner. The failure of the British South African Police to arrive compelled Mphephu to cross into Rhodesia on 21 December 1898, where he was given a location at Vhuxwa and he stayed there until the end of the Anglo-Boer War in 1902. The attempts by the Boers to have Sinthumule proclaimed as Chief in the place of Mphephu, failed to materialize, as the people would not acknowledge him. After the war the town of Louis Trichard was established and Venda was opened to White settlement. Mphephu returned and he as well as Kutama and Sinthumule were given locations. Thus, this study deals with he origin, the course and results of the Mphephu War. / History / M.A. (History)

The mining of silver, although not as significant as the mining of gold, has a history of money being made and lost, as well as instances of fraud and theft. In the late 1880s, when silver and lead deposits were discovered 100 km south-east of Pretoria, the Barnato family was quick to invest and float a company to exploit the deposit. To the north of Pretoria, Alois Nellmapius, later famous as the founder of the Hatherly distillery, established a company to mine a silver and copper rich deposit. The Strubens, pioneers of the Witwatersrand gold fields, discovered a silver rich copper deposit on their farm ‘The Willows’ east of Pretoria. The successful silver mining companies listed on the Stock Exchange in Johannesburg soon attracted the attention of the Randlords of Johannesburg and specifically that of H Eckstein & Co. The development of the company’s activities in silver mining in the 1880s and 1890s forms a significant part of this study. The relationship between the mine owners and their managers during the nineteenth century is explored, along with local and international events in politics and economics that had an impact on the mining of silver in South Africa over the period from 1885 to 1999. Silver mining in South Africa has had a ‘rise and fall’ life from the 1880s with three significant periods of investment, mining activity and decline. As with most commodities, prices vary over time. The international metals market has been a dominant factor in the life of the silver mines of greater Pretoria. The relationship between rising and falling international metal prices, and the operating lives of the mines, form a theme throughout this dissertation as it will be shown that the operating periods all coincided with periods of strong metal prices. In the one hundred and fourteen years, coupled with large tonnages of base metals – lead, copper and zinc - the mines produced over ninety-three tons of silver. Over thirty silver mines and ventures were revealed during the research, but discussing all of them in this dissertation was not feasible. It is therefore limited to the history of the seven mines that produced the greatest amounts of silver and other metals such as lead, copper and zinc and how their individual and interrelated histories together form the dominant part of the history of silver mining in the greater Pretoria region. / History / MA (History)

Text in Afrikaans / Ouers was aanvanklik verantwoordelik vir die onderwys van hul kinders. Namate die samelewing komplekser geword het, het die staat as instelling by die onderwys betrokke geraak met die doel om individue en gemeenskappe te ontwikkel in belang van openbare welsyn. Die onderwystaak van die staat het in so 'n mate uitgebrei dat die staat vandag die onderwys monopoliseer. Mettertyd het die staat en groepe in die samelewing probleme met staatsbeheerde onderwys ervaar. Onderwys het duur geword, en bevredig ook nie die behoeftes van almal in die gemeenskap nie. Privatisering van die onderwys word toenemend beskou as 'n moontlike oplossing vir probleme van die onderwys. Privatisering vind sy oorsprong by die vryemarkdenke van die ekonomie, en dit beklemtoon verantwoordelikheid en vryheid van keuse. Alhoewel privatisering primer 'n ekonomiese motief het, het dit ook ander motiewe, waaronder 'n politieke motief. Privatisering neem verskeie vorms aan en het spesifieke doelwitte asook bepaalde voor- en nadele. Die hantering van die verskaffing van kapitaaldienste in die openbare onderwys in Suid-Afrika bewys dat sekere funksies van die staat in samewerking met die private sektor volledig en suksesvol geprivatiseer kan word. Ander onderwystake is elders geprivatiseer en hou baie voordele in, veral vir die individu en vir groepe in die gemeenskap. Privatisering van die onderwys loop uit op private skole. Bestaande private skole maak baie aansprake, onder meer dat dit onafhanklikheid en kwaliteitonderwys in die hand werk. Dit is egter baie moeilik om klinkklare bewyse vir die aansprake van private skole te vind. Alhoewel private skole van elitisme en separatisme beskuldig word, strewe openbare skole ook na 'n eie etos. Privatisering van die onderwys bied opwindende moontlikhede vir en uitdagings aan die staat, die samelewing en die private sektor. Dit behoort die verantwoordelikheid van die onderwys terug te besorg aan die ouers en die gemeenskap, en sal die soewereiniteit van die onderwys verseker. Privatisering van die onderwys moet egter altyd die belange van die kind eerste stel. Suksesvolle privatisering van die onderwys sal dus deeglike evolusionere beplanning deur die staat en die samelewing verg. / Parents were originally responsible for the education of their children. As society became more complex, the state as an institution became involved in education with the aim to develop individuals and communities in the interest of general well-being. Education has now become the responsibility of the state to such an extent that the state presently monopolises education. The state, and groups within the community, have now come to experience problems with state-controlled education. Education has become expensive and does not make provision for distinctive education for individual groups in the community. Privatisation of education is increasingly regarded as a possible way of solving problems in education. Privatisation originates in the economic concept of the free market, and it stresses responsibility and freedom of choice. Although privatisation has an economic motive, it also has other motives, including a political one. Privatisation assumes many forms and has specific aims, as well as advantages and disadvantages. The handling of the provision of capital of the services in South Africa is proof that certain functions of the state can be very successfully privatised. Other tasks in education have also been privatised and these tasks have many advantages, especially for the individual and for groups in the community. Privatisation of education culminates in the private school. Existing private schools claim, among others, that they promote independence and quality education. It is, however, very difficult to prove, unequivocally, the claims of private schools. Although private schools are accused of elitism and divisiveness, public schools also strive for an own ethos. Privatisation of education offers the state, the community and the private sector exciting possibilities of education and challenges. It should ensure the sovereignty of education and once again place the responsibility for education on the parents and the community. Privatisation of education should, however, always put the interests of the child first. The successful privatisation of education will therefore require thorough and evolutionary planning by the state and the community. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Vergelykende Opvoedkunde)

Afrikaans text / In die perswese van Suid-Afrika het Die Burger gedurende die dertiger- en veertigerjare ’n besondere plek beklee. A1 was dit nie ’n koerant met reusesirkulasiesyfers nie, is dit gerespekteer omdat dit onder meer ’n besonder bevoegde redaksie en bestuurspan gehad het. Die wyse waarop hy sy direkte teenstander, Die Suiderstem, in die stof laat byt het, lewer bewys van Die Burger se krag en invloed, veral in sy hinterland. Die Burger en die Nasionale Party van Kaapland se noue verbintenis het tot gevolg gehad dat hulle ’n gedugte span gevorm het. Die verbintenis, wat wedersydse voordele ingehou het, is grootliks versterk deur D.F. Malan se betrokkenheid by Die Burger. Die rol wat die twee redakteurs A.L. Geyer en PJA. Weber in die tydperk 1934 tot 1948 gespeel het, moet as van kardinale belang beskou word. Veral die persoonlike ondersteuning wat hulle aan D.F. Malan gegee het in sy opbou van die Nasionale Party in die jare 1934 - 1948, het ’n deurslaggewende uitwerking op die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke geskiedenis gehad. Die rol wat Die Burger gedurende die koalisietydperk en daarna tydens samesmelting gespeel het, asook sy besonder noue verbintenis met sy lesers, het die koerant veral in Kaapland ’n baie belangrike politieke faktor gemaak. Dit het aan hom ook ’n besondere posisie van mag binne die Nasionale Party van Suid- Afrika laat inneem. Hierin het Geyer as redakteur, maar veral in sy persoonlike hoedanigheid, ’n groot rol gespeel. Die Burger se jarelange bydrae as kultuurbouer van die Afrikaanssprekendes het meegewerk dat die koerant as mede-skepper van die Nasionale Party se apartheidsfilosofie opgetree het. Die filosofie is beskou as die enigste wyse waarop die Afrikaanssprekende se kulturele en politieke regte beskerm en bestendig kon word. As praktiese instrument het dit veral ná 1939 ook meegehelp om die Nasionale Party aan bewind te bring in 1948. Die koerant het J.C. Smuts en die Verenigde Party gereeld aangeval en op alle gebiede aan die kaak probeer stel. Veral gedurende en na die Tweede Wereldoorlog het die koerant die Smuts-bewind as ’n onbevoegde regering aan sy lesers voorgehou, 'en het sekerlik sukses daarmee behaal. / During the nineteen thirties and forties the Afrikaans newspaper Die Burger occupied a prominent place within the ambience of the South African press. Without reaching large circulation figures, it achieved recognition and respect because - apart from other reasons - it commanded the skills of a very competent editorial staff and management team. The way in which it effectively ousted its main rival Die Suiderstem, is testimony of its power and influence, particularly in its hinterland. The close association between Die Burger and the Cape National Party represented a formidable joining of forces. This relationship, entailing mutual advantages, was sustained significantly by the involvement of Dr. D.F. Malan with Die Burger. Of cardinal importance also was the part played by two editors, A.L. Geyer and P.A. Weber, in the period 1934 to 1948. Their personal support of Dr. Malan in establishing and consolidating the National Party during the years 1934 to 1948 had a decisive influence on South African political history. The role assumed by Die Burger in the period of Coalition and Fusion, as well as the close bond it had established with its readership, made it a potent political force, particularly in the Cape Province. At the same time it gained for itself an important position of power within the National Party of South Africa. In all of this Geyer was a central figure - officially as editor, but more particularly also in a personal capacity. Die Burger's efforts over the years in advancing the cultural cause of Afrikaners led the paper to become a co-founder of the National Party's philosophy of apartheid. The implementation of this ideology was regarded as the only way in which the cultural and political rights of Afrikaners could be safeguarded and maintained. After 1939 the paper proved instrumental in bringing the National Party to power in the election of 1948. It regularly attacked General J.C. Smuts and his United Party on a wide political front, pointing out their shortcomings in various areas. Especially during and immediately after World War II it severely criticized the Smuts government for being incompetent, and it undoubtedly achieved political success with this strategy. / History / D. Litt. et Phil.

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