This dissertation studies South African popular 'Gospel' music in the context of the new order of the post-apartheid era. The four main focal points of the study are genre, production, mediation and consumption. The end of apartheid was a historic and significant socio-political phenomenon in South Africa. Its implications were not only socio-political; they also affected many other aspects of the country, including arts and culture. Music was not exempt. The genre of local 'Gospel' is premised on the Christian faith, so that by producing and mediating 'Gospel' music, the music industry is at the same time producing and mediating the 'Gospel', or Christian culture. Consequently, by consuming 'Gospel' music the audience also consumes this 'Gospel' culture. Local 'Gospel' first emerged with foreign influences brought into South Africa by the missionaries, but gradually developed into the broad and complex genre that we know today. This is, in part, a result of 'other' influences, styles and elements having been incorporated into it. Many production companies are responsible for the production of local 'Gospel' music. These can be broadly categorized into two: major companies, and indies (which are small, private production companies). These two production routes have different implications for the artists and their music. Similarly, there are many different ways in which this music is mediated, or 'channelled', to its audience. These include television, radio, print media (newspapers, magazines, posters, fliers, etc.), internet, and live performances, all of which have their own specificities that determine their effectiveness in mediating local 'Gospel'. As is the case with any music, the audience for local 'Gospel' consumes its music in different ways and for different purposes. Though the artists/musicians assign certain meanings to their musical works, the audience does not always identify precisely with those musical meanings. Different people at different places and times, with different experiences and social conditions, encounter and interpret the music in different ways. South African popular 'Gospel' music is a broad and complex genre that has developed and grown over the years. The birth of democracy has had an indelible impact on it, and on its processes of production, mediation and consumption. / Thesis (M.Mus.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2005.

Newspaper article: "Fearless woman remembered. A beautiful monument in Grahamstown, shown in this picture above, was erected to commemorate an act of outstanding bravery by a woman during the battle of Grahamstown in 1819. She was Elizabeth Margaret Salt who, with her husband Sergeant Salt, was among those besieged in Fort England, which was surrounded by hordes of Kafirs.”

From the available sources, it is now evident that by the end of the thirteenth century, the Vhavenda has already established themselves in Venda and that the Vhasenzi and Vhalemba subjugated them towards the turn of the seventeenth century and that after the disappearance of Thohoyandou, they spread throughout the country. The arrival of the Voortrekkers under Louis Tregardt coincided with civil strife following the death of a chief. The Boers were cordially received but after ramabulana's death, Makhado who had been assisted by them to gain control of the nation, turned against them and compelled them to evacuate Schoemansdal in 1867. The involvement of the Boers in matters of succession became habitual. The weaker aspirants as a rule fled to the Boers for military assistance, and ultimately they found themselves confronted by the legitimate heir, Mphephu. Mphephu's stubborn resistance and refusal to pay taxation was viewed as calculated defiance of the authority of the Republic. The protection offered to Maemu and Sinthumule created the impression that the Boers were furthering their cause. This period of history which led to minunderstanding and friction between the opposing parties has, in my opinion not been adequately handled by earlier writers who maintained that refusal to pay taxation, to allow a census to be taken and to receive the Local Commision, were the major causes of conflict. I have tried to show that these secondary factors brought to light by earlier writers were only contributory to the main cause - the problem of succession which in itself created an atmosphere of discontent which ultimately led to hostilities. The Boer expedition of 1898 appeared to Vhavenda to be an escalation of the civil war for supremacy between Mphephu and Sinthumule. Against this background, they felt compelled to defy General P.J. Joubert and to take up arms against him. The Boer forces, with their military skill and their Black allies, drove Mphephu from Luatame with little resistance. His fligh to Mirondoni where he hoped to be assisted by the gods and the expected arrival of the British South African Police led to further loss of life. Had he crossed the Vhembe immediately after the burning of Luatame on 16 November 1898, many people would have survived and few would have been taken prisoner. The failure of the British South African Police to arrive compelled Mphephu to cross into Rhodesia on 21 December 1898, where he was given a location at Vhuxwa and he stayed there until the end of the Anglo-Boer War in 1902. The attempts by the Boers to have Sinthumule proclaimed as Chief in the place of Mphephu, failed to materialize, as the people would not acknowledge him. After the war the town of Louis Trichard was established and Venda was opened to White settlement. Mphephu returned and he as well as Kutama and Sinthumule were given locations. Thus, this study deals with he origin, the course and results of the Mphephu War. / History / M.A. (History)

Text in Afrikaans / Ouers was aanvanklik verantwoordelik vir die onderwys van hul kinders. Namate die samelewing komplekser geword het, het die staat as instelling by die onderwys betrokke geraak met die doel om individue en gemeenskappe te ontwikkel in belang van openbare welsyn. Die onderwystaak van die staat het in so 'n mate uitgebrei dat die staat vandag die onderwys monopoliseer. Mettertyd het die staat en groepe in die samelewing probleme met staatsbeheerde onderwys ervaar. Onderwys het duur geword, en bevredig ook nie die behoeftes van almal in die gemeenskap nie. Privatisering van die onderwys word toenemend beskou as 'n moontlike oplossing vir probleme van die onderwys. Privatisering vind sy oorsprong by die vryemarkdenke van die ekonomie, en dit beklemtoon verantwoordelikheid en vryheid van keuse. Alhoewel privatisering primer 'n ekonomiese motief het, het dit ook ander motiewe, waaronder 'n politieke motief. Privatisering neem verskeie vorms aan en het spesifieke doelwitte asook bepaalde voor- en nadele. Die hantering van die verskaffing van kapitaaldienste in die openbare onderwys in Suid-Afrika bewys dat sekere funksies van die staat in samewerking met die private sektor volledig en suksesvol geprivatiseer kan word. Ander onderwystake is elders geprivatiseer en hou baie voordele in, veral vir die individu en vir groepe in die gemeenskap. Privatisering van die onderwys loop uit op private skole. Bestaande private skole maak baie aansprake, onder meer dat dit onafhanklikheid en kwaliteitonderwys in die hand werk. Dit is egter baie moeilik om klinkklare bewyse vir die aansprake van private skole te vind. Alhoewel private skole van elitisme en separatisme beskuldig word, strewe openbare skole ook na 'n eie etos. Privatisering van die onderwys bied opwindende moontlikhede vir en uitdagings aan die staat, die samelewing en die private sektor. Dit behoort die verantwoordelikheid van die onderwys terug te besorg aan die ouers en die gemeenskap, en sal die soewereiniteit van die onderwys verseker. Privatisering van die onderwys moet egter altyd die belange van die kind eerste stel. Suksesvolle privatisering van die onderwys sal dus deeglike evolusionere beplanning deur die staat en die samelewing verg. / Parents were originally responsible for the education of their children. As society became more complex, the state as an institution became involved in education with the aim to develop individuals and communities in the interest of general well-being. Education has now become the responsibility of the state to such an extent that the state presently monopolises education. The state, and groups within the community, have now come to experience problems with state-controlled education. Education has become expensive and does not make provision for distinctive education for individual groups in the community. Privatisation of education is increasingly regarded as a possible way of solving problems in education. Privatisation originates in the economic concept of the free market, and it stresses responsibility and freedom of choice. Although privatisation has an economic motive, it also has other motives, including a political one. Privatisation assumes many forms and has specific aims, as well as advantages and disadvantages. The handling of the provision of capital of the services in South Africa is proof that certain functions of the state can be very successfully privatised. Other tasks in education have also been privatised and these tasks have many advantages, especially for the individual and for groups in the community. Privatisation of education culminates in the private school. Existing private schools claim, among others, that they promote independence and quality education. It is, however, very difficult to prove, unequivocally, the claims of private schools. Although private schools are accused of elitism and divisiveness, public schools also strive for an own ethos. Privatisation of education offers the state, the community and the private sector exciting possibilities of education and challenges. It should ensure the sovereignty of education and once again place the responsibility for education on the parents and the community. Privatisation of education should, however, always put the interests of the child first. The successful privatisation of education will therefore require thorough and evolutionary planning by the state and the community. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Vergelykende Opvoedkunde)

Afrikaans text / In die perswese van Suid-Afrika het Die Burger gedurende die dertiger- en veertigerjare ’n besondere plek beklee. A1 was dit nie ’n koerant met reusesirkulasiesyfers nie, is dit gerespekteer omdat dit onder meer ’n besonder bevoegde redaksie en bestuurspan gehad het. Die wyse waarop hy sy direkte teenstander, Die Suiderstem, in die stof laat byt het, lewer bewys van Die Burger se krag en invloed, veral in sy hinterland. Die Burger en die Nasionale Party van Kaapland se noue verbintenis het tot gevolg gehad dat hulle ’n gedugte span gevorm het. Die verbintenis, wat wedersydse voordele ingehou het, is grootliks versterk deur D.F. Malan se betrokkenheid by Die Burger. Die rol wat die twee redakteurs A.L. Geyer en PJA. Weber in die tydperk 1934 tot 1948 gespeel het, moet as van kardinale belang beskou word. Veral die persoonlike ondersteuning wat hulle aan D.F. Malan gegee het in sy opbou van die Nasionale Party in die jare 1934 - 1948, het ’n deurslaggewende uitwerking op die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke geskiedenis gehad. Die rol wat Die Burger gedurende die koalisietydperk en daarna tydens samesmelting gespeel het, asook sy besonder noue verbintenis met sy lesers, het die koerant veral in Kaapland ’n baie belangrike politieke faktor gemaak. Dit het aan hom ook ’n besondere posisie van mag binne die Nasionale Party van Suid- Afrika laat inneem. Hierin het Geyer as redakteur, maar veral in sy persoonlike hoedanigheid, ’n groot rol gespeel. Die Burger se jarelange bydrae as kultuurbouer van die Afrikaanssprekendes het meegewerk dat die koerant as mede-skepper van die Nasionale Party se apartheidsfilosofie opgetree het. Die filosofie is beskou as die enigste wyse waarop die Afrikaanssprekende se kulturele en politieke regte beskerm en bestendig kon word. As praktiese instrument het dit veral ná 1939 ook meegehelp om die Nasionale Party aan bewind te bring in 1948. Die koerant het J.C. Smuts en die Verenigde Party gereeld aangeval en op alle gebiede aan die kaak probeer stel. Veral gedurende en na die Tweede Wereldoorlog het die koerant die Smuts-bewind as ’n onbevoegde regering aan sy lesers voorgehou, 'en het sekerlik sukses daarmee behaal. / During the nineteen thirties and forties the Afrikaans newspaper Die Burger occupied a prominent place within the ambience of the South African press. Without reaching large circulation figures, it achieved recognition and respect because - apart from other reasons - it commanded the skills of a very competent editorial staff and management team. The way in which it effectively ousted its main rival Die Suiderstem, is testimony of its power and influence, particularly in its hinterland. The close association between Die Burger and the Cape National Party represented a formidable joining of forces. This relationship, entailing mutual advantages, was sustained significantly by the involvement of Dr. D.F. Malan with Die Burger. Of cardinal importance also was the part played by two editors, A.L. Geyer and P.A. Weber, in the period 1934 to 1948. Their personal support of Dr. Malan in establishing and consolidating the National Party during the years 1934 to 1948 had a decisive influence on South African political history. The role assumed by Die Burger in the period of Coalition and Fusion, as well as the close bond it had established with its readership, made it a potent political force, particularly in the Cape Province. At the same time it gained for itself an important position of power within the National Party of South Africa. In all of this Geyer was a central figure - officially as editor, but more particularly also in a personal capacity. Die Burger's efforts over the years in advancing the cultural cause of Afrikaners led the paper to become a co-founder of the National Party's philosophy of apartheid. The implementation of this ideology was regarded as the only way in which the cultural and political rights of Afrikaners could be safeguarded and maintained. After 1939 the paper proved instrumental in bringing the National Party to power in the election of 1948. It regularly attacked General J.C. Smuts and his United Party on a wide political front, pointing out their shortcomings in various areas. Especially during and immediately after World War II it severely criticized the Smuts government for being incompetent, and it undoubtedly achieved political success with this strategy. / History / D. Litt. et Phil.

This study analyses the methods and policies of the colonial government which shaped Stutterheim's African communities between c.1870 and 1910. In 1870 the Stutterheim magisterial district had not yet been officially established. However, creation of the British Kaffrarian administration (1847-1865) had already ensured the entrenchment of colonial rule over the humiliated Xhosa chiefdoms west of the Kei. This work studies transformations in late colonial Ngqika society and the development of Stutterheim as a magisterial district. It analyses the entrenchment of colonial bureaucracy and changes in indigenous social, economic and political structures. In the period c.1860-1877, direct administration of the Ngqika was first attempted. While recovering from the 1856-57 cattle killing, the Ngqika were brought under colonial administration by the annexation of British Kaffraria to the Cape Colony in 1865. The thesis also examines the process and implications of the breakup and resettlement of the Ngqika location after the 1877-1878 war and the mechanisms and complications in forming a new postwar settlement. The focus then narrows to Stutterheim magisterial district (finalised in 1880), where, after the removal of the main Ngqika population to the Transkei formal structures of quitrent settlement were established around mission stations. A new form of social behaviour underpinned by principles of individualism evolved under missionary influence. Urged on by legislation that sought to intensify implementation of individual tenure, this social behaviour predominated under the new administration. Attention is also given to the allocation of farm land in the district. On part of what had once been communally owned land, an immigrant farming community originally intended strictly for whites emerged. Numerous Africans later managed to hold property in this area. An urban area with a mixed African and white population resulted where allotments initially allocated to the German Legion were later auctioned. On crown lands, leasing and purchasing was initiated. By the early twentieth century, settlement patterns were in chaos: on the mission settlements, quitrenters disobeyed settlement regulations, farms were overpopulated by tenants and interracial urban settlements faced imminent segregationist policies. By 1910 local administration was in difficulties and the Africans were becoming politically mobilised against local and colonial policies.

The Transkeian Territories extend over a stretch of 17000 square miles between the north eastern border of the Cape Colony and the southern border of Natal. In 1870 this was an exclusively Native area ; inhabited by some half million natives tribally organised under independent chiefs and grouped into racial entities according to origln; customs, and language dialects.

The mining of silver, although not as significant as the mining of gold, has a history of money being made and lost, as well as instances of fraud and theft. In the late 1880s, when silver and lead deposits were discovered 100 km south-east of Pretoria, the Barnato family was quick to invest and float a company to exploit the deposit. To the north of Pretoria, Alois Nellmapius, later famous as the founder of the Hatherly distillery, established a company to mine a silver and copper rich deposit. The Strubens, pioneers of the Witwatersrand gold fields, discovered a silver rich copper deposit on their farm ‘The Willows’ east of Pretoria. The successful silver mining companies listed on the Stock Exchange in Johannesburg soon attracted the attention of the Randlords of Johannesburg and specifically that of H Eckstein & Co. The development of the company’s activities in silver mining in the 1880s and 1890s forms a significant part of this study. The relationship between the mine owners and their managers during the nineteenth century is explored, along with local and international events in politics and economics that had an impact on the mining of silver in South Africa over the period from 1885 to 1999. Silver mining in South Africa has had a ‘rise and fall’ life from the 1880s with three significant periods of investment, mining activity and decline. As with most commodities, prices vary over time. The international metals market has been a dominant factor in the life of the silver mines of greater Pretoria. The relationship between rising and falling international metal prices, and the operating lives of the mines, form a theme throughout this dissertation as it will be shown that the operating periods all coincided with periods of strong metal prices. In the one hundred and fourteen years, coupled with large tonnages of base metals – lead, copper and zinc - the mines produced over ninety-three tons of silver. Over thirty silver mines and ventures were revealed during the research, but discussing all of them in this dissertation was not feasible. It is therefore limited to the history of the seven mines that produced the greatest amounts of silver and other metals such as lead, copper and zinc and how their individual and interrelated histories together form the dominant part of the history of silver mining in the greater Pretoria region. / History / M.A. (History)

Bibliography: pages 366-388. / Historians of South African Jewry have depicted antisemitism in the 1930s and early 1940s as essentially an alien phenomenon, a product of Nazi propaganda at a time of great social and economic trauma. This thesis argues that antisemitism was an important element in South African society long before 1930 and that the roots of anti-Jewish outbursts in the 1930s and early 1940s are to be found in a widely-shared negative stereotype of the Jew that had developed out of an ambivalent image dating back to the 1880s. By then two embryonic but nevertheless distinctive images of the Jew had evolved: the gentleman - characterised by sobriety, enterprise and loyalty - and the knave, characterised by dishonesty and cunning. The influx of eastern European 'Peruvians' in the 1890s and the emergence of the cosmopolitan financier at the turn of the century further contributed towards the evolution of an anti-Jewish stereotype. By 1914, favourable perceptions of the Jew, associated mainly with the acculturated Anglo-German pioneer Jews, had eroded substantially and the eastern European Jew by and large defined the essence and nature of 'Jewishness'. Even those who separated the acculturated and urbane Jew from the eastern European newcomer exaggerated Jewish power and influence. Herein lay the convergence between the philosemitic and the antisemitic view. War-time accusations of avoiding military service, followed by the association of Jews with Bolshevism, consolidated the anti-Jewish stereotype. In the context of the post-war economic depression and burgeoning black radicalism, the eastern European Jew emerged as the archetypical subversive. Thus the Rand Rebellion of 1922 could be construed as a Bolshevik revolt. As eugenist and nativist arguments penetrated South African discourse, eastern European immigrants were increasingly perceived as a threat to the 'Nordic' character of South African society as well as a challenge to the hegemony of the English mercantile establishment. Nevertheless antisemitism in the crude and programmatic sense was rejected. The 1930 Quota Act ushered in a change and heralded the transformation of 'private' antisemitism into 'public' antisemitism. While this transformation was clearly related to specific contingencies of the 1930s, this thesis argues that there is a connection and a continuity between anti-Jewish sentiment, as manifested in the image of the Jew prior to 1930, and anti-Jewish outbursts and programmes of the 1930s and early 1940s. In short, anti-Jewish rhetoric at this time resonated precisely because a negative Jewish stereotype had been elaborated and diffused for decades.

Bibliography: leaves 199-207. / This survey aims at reflecting the historical development of the Carnegie Non- European Library, from 1950 known as the Non-European Library Service, Transvaal, and attempts to evaluate the contribution of a small private library organization to the development of library services for Africans in South Africa. Since 1931 the (Carnegie) Non-European Library Service, Transvaal, has been engaged in its self-appointed task of promoting the reading habit and the use of libraries among Non-Whites, and amongst Africans in particular. The administering Committee consists of officials from government, provincial and municipal authorities as well as representatives of various organizations, who all serve in a voluntary capacity. With their active assistance and interested co-operation a considerable amount of work has been achieved despite the many difficulties encountered. The (Carnegie) Non-European Library Service, Transvaal, administered its own lending library services between 1931 and 1962; encouraged the training of Non-Whites for library work; entered the publishing field to produce two hand- books of library methods and two books for children written in the Bantu languages. The administering Committee has also provided many opportunities for the exchange of information on various aspects of library development for Non- Whites, and particularly for Africans. In its efforts to promote through reading, the intellectual development of the African, and so further his understanding of the cultures of his own peoples and other civilizations, the (Carnegie) Non- European Library Service, Transvaal, has also emphasised the role of the library in the African's spiritual quest for cultural awakening and upliftment.