Noncompete agreements are elements of workers' contracts that limit the worker's job mobility in the event of a job separation. In this dissertation, I address two major questions: first, why are noncompete agreements used, especially among workers earning low wages? Second, what are the ramifications of use of noncompete agreements, both for the firms using them and for the markets in which those firms exist? In the first chapter, co-authored with Matthew Johnson, I show that low wage workers sign noncompete agreements when their wages are constrained. I use a novel sample of owners of hair salons to empirically demonstrate that, when wage constraints are more binding due to a greater minimum wage or a greater labor supply, noncompete agreements are used more frequently. I show that use in this context may not maximize the firm's joint surplus, suggesting that policy interventions may be welfare-enhancing. In the second chapter, I generalize the theory of the first chapter, allowing for intertemporal changes in labor markets. I posit the existence of noncompete agreement cycles, which may explain recent trends in use among low wage employees. In a noncompete agreement cycle, workers who separate must exit the labor market. Low labor supply decreases use of noncompete agreements, allowing labor supply to increase and leading to use of noncompete agreements once again. I examine the costs and benefits of a policy prohibiting NCAs, analyzing such a policy's sensitivity to various parameters. In the final chapter, I consider the effects of noncompete agreements on the effort exertion of workers. If a worker is able to exert effort in order to increase the value of an asset, that worker may wish to spin off a new firm to leverage its value. The worker's current employer faces a tradeoff: a noncompete agreement induces the employee to stay but decreases the employee's incentive to exert effort. I show that, when the value of a spinoff is unknown ex ante, noncompete agreements may cause large ex post efficiency losses by limiting creation of highly profitable spinoffs.

The aim of this research is to investigate the phenomenon of business method patents in Europe. Not only the issue of patentability of business methods is discussed, but also the possible strategic use of these patents and patent applications is explored. For this purpose, a data set has been specifically created, including all the applications submitted in the class G06Q (namely data processing systems or methods, specially adapted for administrative, commercial, financial, managerial, supervision or forecasting purpose) at the EPO. A quantitative analysis of the data has been performed, revealing the huge volume of business method patent applications (more than 34,000) filed at the EPO over the last 20 years. Equally, a continued interest of large companies in patenting business methods has been demonstrated. However, these empirical observations seem to be inconsistent with both the legal framework (most notably Article 52 EPC 2000 establishes that business methods are not patentable) and the low rate of acceptance of applications (only a small fraction of patents have eventually been granted) in the category of business methods at the EPO. All of this supports the hypothesis that firm demand for business method patent protection can be driven by strategic purposes, often resulting in inefficiencies in the market and reducing in competition. Hence, the research presented intends to highlight overcoming inefficiencies, as well as possible antidotes provided by the EU competition law. On this purpose, some of the common practices, such as hold-up or tacit collusion, are identified. At the same time, the beneficial effects of mutual licensing agreements are highlighted. In particular, the research examines the European legal framework on the technology transfer agreements. Their effectiveness in contrasting business method patents' strategic uses is analysed, particularly regarding reduction on competition. Based on this, the thesis argues ultimately that a wider opening in granting patent protection to business methods will not result in discouraging new entries in the field.

The United Nations Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards ("the New York Convention") has provided a unique legal framework for the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards and arbitration agreements. Having been adopted by 159 States at the time of this thesis, the New York Convention represents the most significant convention in the field. Having been in force almost 60 years, it is time to assess its meaning for international arbitration. This thesis first examines the contribution of the New York Convention to the development of arbitration to date and second explores whether it has a contemporary role to play. Focusing on both its contribution through its original objective and its effect on the development of a favourable attitude towards international arbitration by courts and legislators, the study demonstrates that the New York Convention has had an impact beyond that which its drafters intended. Regarding its contemporary relevance, the thesis argues that persistent issues in the enforcement of arbitral awards proves that the New York Convention has no active relevance for contributing to facilitate enforcement of arbitral awards.

Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 1982. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH / Bibliography: leaves 148-149. / by Janette Rae Lawrence. / M.C.P.

This thesis examines the joint venture relationship in the context of the exploration phase of the development of an oil and gas field in Great Britain and Australia. It considers a number of issues relating to the relationship between the Participants of a typical Joint Operating Agreement within the legal regimes of Great Britain and Australia. Against this background the main issues addressed in this thesis are- 1. the nature of the joint venture?; 2. the relationship between the Participants inter se; and 3. the relationship between the Operator and the Participants. In addressing these issues the following questions are addressed: - (i) what is a joint venture?; (ii) is a joint venture a separate legal relationship?; (iii) how is a joint venture distinguished from a partnership?; (iv) what is the relationship between the participants inter se?; (v) what rights does a participant of a joint venture have in relation to the joint venture and the other participants of a joint venture?; (vi) what interest, contractural or proprietary, does a participant of a joint venture have in the joint venture and the property thereof?; vii) what duties does a participant of a joint venture have to the joint venture and the other participants of the joint venture?; and (viii) what is the legal position when a participant of a joint venture defaults in complying with its duties?

A presente pesquisa teve por objetivo problematizar os combinados, essa prática aparentemente comum na educação de criança pequena, aquela da educação infantil e dos anos iniciais do ensino fundamental. A análise foi realizada a partir de alguns escritos foucaultianos, bem como de autores que se valem deste, em torno de conceitos como governamentalidade, sujeito e relações de saber-poder e se debruça sobre os discursos produzidos pela Revista Nova Escola (1996 a 2015) ao utilizar tal prática, observando o modo como esse periódico opera para que tais discursos se tornem regimes de verdade. Consequentemente, a dissertação também envolveu uma releitura de teóricos construtivistas que, de certa forma, estão envolvidos nas teorias e nos discursos que possibilitaram a conjectura para que os combinados se tornassem parte da prática cotidiana das escolas. No contexto acima exposto, a pesquisa problematizou as receitas contidas em alguns dos conteúdos dos periódicos, as condutas dos professores (leitores da revista) no que se refere à produtividade para incluir tal prática em seus planos de aula, a representação da palavra combinado para as crianças e, principalmente, como todos esses sujeitos (professores, alunos, orientadores etc.) podem tornar-se reprodutores dos mesmos discursos. A análise envolveu também investigar se, e como, os combinados se tornaram regimes de verdade; como podem estabelecer determinadas formas de relações de poder; e como contribuem para que o aluno seja visto como sujeito moderno, racional, essencial, que se autogoverna. / This research aimed to problematize and discuss the \"agreements\" which is apparently a common practice in child education of early childhood and in the early years of primary school. The analysis was carried out from some Foucault scholars, as well as writings of authors who use this around the concepts such as governmentality, subject and know-power to study the discourse produced by the Magazine Nova Escola (1996 to 2015) observing how it works in order to become real schemes. Consequently, this dissertation also involved the rereading of constructivist theorists who are involved in the theories and discourses that made it possible to conjecture the agreements to become part of the daily practice in schools. In the context above, the survey discussed the \"recipes contained in some of the contents of the journals, the conduct of teachers (readers of the magazine) as regards the productivity to include this practice in their lesson plans, the representation of the words agreed for children and, primarily, as all these subjects (teachers, students, counselors, etc.) can become players of the same speeches. The analysis also involved investigating whether, and how, the agreements became real regimes and how they can establish powerful relationships and how they help the students to be seen as modern, rational and self-governed beings.

abstract: The current immigration flow to the United States from Mexico has been polarized by politicians and anti-immigration groups, with a rhetoric that immigrants are a danger to the sovereignty of the country and an economic burden. These accusations ignore the role played by trade agreements in causing such migration patterns by displacing Mexican migrants and how U.S. immigration policies subsequently condemn these economically displaced migrants into illegality. This thesis examines the role national governments and laws of both the United States and Mexico play in formalizing the undocumented flow and the contestation of these economic migrants. I challenge the contemporary view of trade agreements as pull factors by showing how they also function as problematic push factors of migration through displacing Mexicans from their land and any meaningful form of economic security. Once displaced, these communities seek opportunities by migrating to the U.S., where they cross into illegality. Together, examining displacement and subsequent illegality, this thesis reveals the problematic, yet hidden role played by trade agreements in Mexican migration to the U.S. and gaps in current U.S. immigration laws that has preserved the injustices created when neoliberal economic policies and immigration politics provide no protection to impacted indigenous communities. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Interdisciplinary Studies 2019

<p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att belysa olika uppfattningar om den internationella handelns betydelse för fattiga länder, samt att undersöka om EU:s Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA) är en möjlighet eller ett hinder för fattiga länders utveckling. Frågeställningarna är:</p><p>1.Hur kan internationell handel påverka fattigdom och utveckling?</p><p>2.Hur kan EPA påverka de fattiga länder som avtalen berör?</p><p>Det finns många olika teorier om hur handel uppkommer och fungerar. Merkantilismen menar att export är bättre för ett land än import. Liberalismen ligger i grunden för hur det ekonomiska samhället är uppbyggt med handel och konkurrens. Teorin om komparativa fördelar förklarar hur länders olika resurser kan leda till handel som gynnar alla inblandade länder. Den strategiska handelsteorin utvecklar teorin om komparativa fördelar genom att ta med andra viktiga variabler i teorin. Den visar på att handelsfördelar kommer ur en komplex verklighet där även politiska beslut inverkar. Teorin om internationell konkurrenskraft visar också på hur konkurrenskraft kommer från många olika variabler.</p><p>Fördelar med handel är till exempel stordriftsfördelar, ökad konkurrens, spridning av kunskap och teknik, samt sänkta priser. Frihandel kritiseras bland annat för att man anser att fattiga och rika länder inte konkurrerar på samma villkor eftersom fattiga länder har sämre förutsättningar i utgångsläget.</p><p>EPA-avtalen är tänkta att bli bättre och mer flexibla avtal, anpassade till AVS-ländernas (länder i Afrika, Västindien, och Stilla Havet) speciella förutsättningar. De ska tackla alla handelshinder, från tullar till regler. Målen är mer handel, mer investeringar och bättre konkurrenskraft för AVS-länderna. Kritik har dock riktats mot att AVS-länderna kommer att förlora en viktig inkomst om tullarna sänks, och mot EU:s vilja att ta med de så kallade Singaporefrågorna (investeringar, konkurrens och offentlig upphandling) i avtalen, eftersom de tros minska AVS-ländernas politiska handlingsutrymme. Mycket kritik riktas också mot EU:s subventioner, främst till jordbruket, som gör att konkurrensen blir väldigt orättvis om handeln släpps fri. Lokala producenter i AVS-länderna riskerar att slås ut om de tvingas konkurrera med billig import från EU.</p><p>Internationell handel påverkar fattigdom och utveckling på många sätt, detta syns inte minst på de olika förväntningarna på hur EPA kommer att påverka AVS-länderna. EPA öppnar upp för många nya möjligheter genom regional integration och skapandet av större marknader. Men med ökad öppenhet kommer också ökad sårbarhet och det är viktigt att de svagaste får tillgång till skydd vid en handelsliberalisering. Producenter i AVS-länderna kan tjäna på billigare importerade inputs, men de kan också slås ut av ökad konkurrens från billig import. EPA-avtalen måste vara väldigt genomtänkta och anpassade efter lokala förhållanden för att kunna minska fattigdomen. Men även EU menar att omställningen för AVS-länderna kan bli svår ur ett socialt och ekonomisk perspektiv.</p>

This thesis contributes to the analysis of optimal industrial and strategic trade policy in the presence of oligopoly and other forms of imperfect competition, so as to make contact with important empirical regularities and policy concerns, such as international R&D collaboration, unionization and free trade. First, in the context of international competition in which R&D plays an important role, we study the consequences of allowing governments to subsidize R&D and coalition deviation on the R&D collaboration networks. Then we investigate the formation of FTAs as a network formation game. While the analysis of welfare effects takes the central stage, we also analyze the nature of trading regimes that are consistent with the incentives of individual countries. We address the issue of conflict of interests among firms, consumers and governments as well. Finally, we integrate the analysis of international R&D collaboration and strategic trade policies, and demonstrate how an asymmetric equilibrium arises from an international trade model with symmetric countries and symmetric firms, and study whether it is sometimes possible to improve national welfare by jointly implementing trade and industrial policies.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att belysa olika uppfattningar om den internationella handelns betydelse för fattiga länder, samt att undersöka om EU:s Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA) är en möjlighet eller ett hinder för fattiga länders utveckling. Frågeställningarna är: 1.Hur kan internationell handel påverka fattigdom och utveckling? 2.Hur kan EPA påverka de fattiga länder som avtalen berör? Det finns många olika teorier om hur handel uppkommer och fungerar. Merkantilismen menar att export är bättre för ett land än import. Liberalismen ligger i grunden för hur det ekonomiska samhället är uppbyggt med handel och konkurrens. Teorin om komparativa fördelar förklarar hur länders olika resurser kan leda till handel som gynnar alla inblandade länder. Den strategiska handelsteorin utvecklar teorin om komparativa fördelar genom att ta med andra viktiga variabler i teorin. Den visar på att handelsfördelar kommer ur en komplex verklighet där även politiska beslut inverkar. Teorin om internationell konkurrenskraft visar också på hur konkurrenskraft kommer från många olika variabler. Fördelar med handel är till exempel stordriftsfördelar, ökad konkurrens, spridning av kunskap och teknik, samt sänkta priser. Frihandel kritiseras bland annat för att man anser att fattiga och rika länder inte konkurrerar på samma villkor eftersom fattiga länder har sämre förutsättningar i utgångsläget. EPA-avtalen är tänkta att bli bättre och mer flexibla avtal, anpassade till AVS-ländernas (länder i Afrika, Västindien, och Stilla Havet) speciella förutsättningar. De ska tackla alla handelshinder, från tullar till regler. Målen är mer handel, mer investeringar och bättre konkurrenskraft för AVS-länderna. Kritik har dock riktats mot att AVS-länderna kommer att förlora en viktig inkomst om tullarna sänks, och mot EU:s vilja att ta med de så kallade Singaporefrågorna (investeringar, konkurrens och offentlig upphandling) i avtalen, eftersom de tros minska AVS-ländernas politiska handlingsutrymme. Mycket kritik riktas också mot EU:s subventioner, främst till jordbruket, som gör att konkurrensen blir väldigt orättvis om handeln släpps fri. Lokala producenter i AVS-länderna riskerar att slås ut om de tvingas konkurrera med billig import från EU. Internationell handel påverkar fattigdom och utveckling på många sätt, detta syns inte minst på de olika förväntningarna på hur EPA kommer att påverka AVS-länderna. EPA öppnar upp för många nya möjligheter genom regional integration och skapandet av större marknader. Men med ökad öppenhet kommer också ökad sårbarhet och det är viktigt att de svagaste får tillgång till skydd vid en handelsliberalisering. Producenter i AVS-länderna kan tjäna på billigare importerade inputs, men de kan också slås ut av ökad konkurrens från billig import. EPA-avtalen måste vara väldigt genomtänkta och anpassade efter lokala förhållanden för att kunna minska fattigdomen. Men även EU menar att omställningen för AVS-länderna kan bli svår ur ett socialt och ekonomisk perspektiv.