The main aim of this diploma thesis is to evaluate the attitude of Justice and Development party (AKP) towards the European Union (EU). Moravcsik's Theory of Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI) is used in the thesis for the evaluation. The thesis is divided into four main parts. The first chapter introduces two main theoretical attitudes which deal with process of EU enlargement. These two main approaches are Rational and Constructivist theoretical schools. The basic arguments of these two attitudes are used in several different particular theories. The first theoretical chapter is concluded by empirical limitations of constructivist approach in a case of the Eastern Enlargement. The second chapter is devoted to methodology. It justifies selection of the LI theory as well as selects main dependent and independent variables. Two other chapters pursue empirical part of the thesis while they reflect the logic of the LI theory. The empirical chapter focuses on Turkish domestic politics, especially on the AKP's position within this sphere. Rational behavior of AKP representatives is evaluated in the very first part of this chapter. Two other subchapters are devoted to the interconnection among the AKP and Turkish business interest groups and Turkish public opinion as well as their stance towards the EU....

Abstract Turkey has emerged as a major actor in the Middle East over the last decade, since the ruling party AKP came to power in 2002. Turkey is now playing a mediation role in regional conflicts and has been speaking out loudly on sensitive issues such as the Iranian nuclear program and the Palestinian- Israeli conflict. Furthermore, Turkey has established close ties with the Arab world which has suffered the relationship with its long-time ally Israel. This new presence in Middle East has been criticized by Turkey's allies in west. Critics argue that the country is about to abandon its former western relationship and strengthen their ties with the Arab world instead. This thesis has two main purposes. First, an empirical purpose which is to describe and explain changes in Turkish foreign policy towards Middle East. Second, this thesis has a theoretical purpose, aiming to make a contribution to the study field also on a theoretical level. The ambition is therefore to provide with ideas and/or modify the model of Gustavsson in order to make it more applicable of other cases of foreign policy change. The theoretical framework applied on this thesis is Jakob Gustavsson's model for explaining foreign policy change. Turkey's foreign policy change will be analyzed through a qualitative case study that focuses on the country's relations with the Middle East. Based on Gustavsson's model, possible explanations to Turkey's foreign policy change towards Middle East are structural changes in the international and national system. The end of the bipolarity system during the cold war resulted in a major structural change, thus Turkey had to adapt to the new system by hammering out a new foreign policy doctrine. In addition to this, the growing opposition to a Turkish membership within the EU is considered to be another explanation to Turkey's improved relations with the Middle East. The results shows furthermore possible explanations on a national level such as growing economy, a strong Turkish public opinion, new actors and also AKP:s ideological affinity with Muslim aspirations. The Iraq crisis, which arose in 2003 when Turkey rejected a resolution authorizing the deployment of American forces in Turkey in a war against Iraq, functions as a catalysts for the changes in Turkish foreign policy. One of the main components in the model emphasizes that the individual key actor needs to go through a change within its belief system, however the author have not found such evidence in this case and thus suggests that this part of the model becomes slightly modified or even removed. Keywords: Turkey, AKP, Ahmet Davutoglu, Middle East, foreign policy change, zero problems towards neighbors

The left-wing Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) began its violent insurgency campaign against the Turkish state in 1984, claiming that an independent Kurdistan should exist. However, the origins of this conflict can be traced back even further – to the inception of the Turkish Republic in 1923. This thesis begins by investigating the history of how the conflict between the Kurdish and Turkish political frameworks escalated, exploring the concept of “Turkishness” as an element of a homogeneous nation-state. The paper then assesses the effects of a range of exclusionary measures adopted by the Turkish state (beyond punitive military responses in southeastern Turkey and cultural discrimination policies). Ultimately, I argue that the ruling Justice and Development Party’s recent push for a more authoritarian style of leadership under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has ostracized the Kurdish population and has created a climate for Kurdish terrorist organizations, such as the PKK and TAK, to prosper and expand recruitment.

The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) of Turkey has reoriented its country's historical Westward-looking foreign policy towards the Middle East because of a freeze in European Union accession, trans-national security issues resulting from the Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK), and the expansion of its economic interests into the region. The United States should take careful note of these changes in an effort to mitigate any opposition to the AKP’s policies, as well as to better utilize Turkey’s growing clout in the region.

This study aims to contribute to the literature on the political role of intellectuals through examining the stance of a specific group with regard to power in the recent moment of Turkish political history. It is the concern of the thesis to identify the reasons behind the constant support of this specific group, namely, the liberal intellectuals to the political power under the AKP period. Depending on Gramsci

Oggi la Turchia occupa oggi una posizione cruciale nello scenario internazionale grazie al processo di profonda trasformazione politica, economica e sociale che è in corso da tempo ed è promosso dall’attuale amministrazione conservatrice-democratica dell’AKP -Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi. (Partito della Giustizia e dello Sviluppo). La sua recente affermazione come partito di centro-destra con radici ideologiche religiose è un esempio di trasformazione politica, anche se, rifiutando ufficialmente ogni riferimento all’Islam e definendosi un movimento politico “democratico conservatore” è stato più volte accusato di minare i fondamentali principi kemalisti su cui si erge la Turchia moderna. Dalla sua peculiarità e dai trionfi elettorali che hanno sancito il suo incontrastato successo nasce l’interesse verso questo partito, volto a far luce sulla particolarità del progetto di “Conservative Democracy” e a esplorare non solo i diversi aspetti sottesi a questo concetto- finora inesistente nella letteratura politica-, ma anche gli effetti sulla vita sociale e sulla politica turca. In altre parole, il successo dell’AKP e i dinamici cambiamenti riflessi dal sistema partitico sono la principale ragione per condurre un’analisi sulla sua organizzazione e strategia e rappresentano anche un interessante caso di studio riguardo il grado di compatibilità tra Islam (moderato) e democrazia liberale. / Nowadays, in the international context Turkey is in a crucial position because of its political, economic and social transformation process. This is the extent of the current conservative –democratic administration. The recent rise of AKP - Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi- ( Party oF Justice and Development) as center-right party with an Islamic background is a clear example of political transformation. However, even if it doesn’t refer to Islam and define itself as an conservative-democratic party there is suspicious that its performance aims to mine the kemalist principles of the Country. From its peculiarity and its electoral triumphs arises the interest towards this party and its idea of Conservative Democracy- a new concept in political literature-aiming to explore the effects on political and social life in Turkey. This big success and the change inside of Turkish party system are the main reason to explore AKP’s strategy and organization. Moreover, this is an interesting case study about the compatibility between moderate Islam and liberal democracy

In its most general form this study aims to understand and reveal the dynamics that shape AKP&rsquo / s Kurdish politics. In this way primarily, socio-political factors that constitute AKP and the political tradition out of which it has arose have been analyzed with in the theoretical framework of the center-periphery model. It seeks to determine the socio-political basis of AKPs emergence on a platform of change and EU centered vision. It understands this approach as an effort to legitimize itself against a Kemalist center. This study understands AKP&rsquo / s desire to align itself with the West in the course of its quest for legitimization and its desire for the candidacy for the process of ascension to the European Union as the only paths to take after the events of February the 28th has confirmed the judgment that Turkey cannot consolidate its own democracy within its own dynamics. This study contends that the most fundamental influence that has shaped AKP&rsquo / s Kurdish politics and obliged AKP to attend to the Kurdish problem, in addition to the political tradition out of which AKP arose, is full accession to EU and the target of consolidating democracy. The study also analyzes the evolutionary phases the Kurdish politics went through. The process of consolidation of democracy in Turkey in accordance with the requirements of ascension to the EU has been seen as the common fate of AKP and the Kurdish politics as well as the source of legitimization both domestically and internationally. This study understands AKP&rsquo / s Kurdish politics as one of a paradox for the ethnic and religious identities that has faced a systematic resistance since the conception of the republic: On the one hand is the union of these two identities against a sociopolitical system that excludes both, and on the other hand is their political competition on a platform that is perpetually overlapping. The study concludes that AKP&rsquo / s determination and ability to solve the Kurdish problem will give hints on whether the party would succeed or not in its mission of cerating a new political language and democratizing the country.

This thesis analyzes the transformation of Islamism from an anti-systemic and oppositional force to a compliant and submissive political ideology. The thesis locates the approach towards established political and economic relations at its centre. The thesis argues that the transformation, which led to formation of the Justice and Development Party, has begun in the late 1980s and early 1990s. To give the contours of this transformation, the thesis presents a detailed analysis of anti-systemic and systemic phases of Islamism in Turkey. The thesis tries to demonstrate this transformation through focusing on the major debates within the Islamist intellectual circles. The study suggests thinking the transformation of Islamism together with themes such as neoliberal globalization, postmodernism and multiculturalism. The thesis points out that, Islamism of the 1970s and 1980s, which can be considered as a form of Third Worldist populism has been gradually transformed into an ordinary, conservative ideology.

The history of football clubs in Turkey is entwined with the political and economic development of Turkey in the twentieth century. This thesis focuses on the history of soccer clubs and the close involvement of the sport with the formation of modern Turkish identity during the late Ottoman period, the early republican period, the multi-party period, and finally the Cold War era. As this study also argues, in addition to their role in identity formation, football clubs were the building blocks of associational life in Turkish democracy and thus represent a major force in the process of democratic deepening in the country. The thesis addresses both the complex political functions and uses of soccer clubs and their economic relationship to the development of Turkish business. Through the twentieth century, the politics behind soccer clubs evolved from an affirmation of national identity to a reassertion of local identity as a challenge to the centralized state system. Increased localization—as evidenced by the rising fortunes of soccer clubs and businesses from Central Anatolia, Turkey’s Muslim heartland—also indicates the increased Islamicization of Turkish society accompanying the advent of the AKP (Justice and Development Party). The changing character of Turkish society and the challenge to traditional secular elites by a rising class of Islamic businessmen from outside of the metropolitan areas—developing businesses concentrated mainly in Central Anatolia—are presented through an analysis of Parliamentary election results since 1962 along with the concurrent change in the geographical transformation of the landscape of Turkish soccer through this period. The study examines the complex, multifaceted interrelationships and lines of mutual determinations between the changing conceptions of Turkish identity, democratic deepening, Islamicization, and the economic development of modern Turkey. This thesis demonstrates how these forces that shape social, political, and economic life are played out on the soccer field. / text

Political success in semi-democratic countries has two aspects: shifting the balance of power in one’s favor and maintaining it. This thesis seeks to examine how the AKP has succeeded in shifting the balance of power in its favor while its predecessor the Welfare Party did not. Focusing on electoral success, existing research primarily lists center-periphery conflict, moderation, class struggle, party organization, and failures of others as the main determinants. Yet the significance of reining in the power of the Kemalist state structure has been mostly disregarded. Therefore, with a comparison of the AKP (2002-2007) and the Welfare Party (1996-1997) governments, this study tests one assertion using most-similar systems research design that in semi-democratic political settings with strong authoritarian actors, political parties that build broad coalitions via group specific policy promises will be more likely to shift the balance of power in favor of themselves than actors that lack such connections.