This paper addresses the issue of why Turkey has failed to develop and consolidate democracy in the regime. The aim of this paper was to analyze Turkey’s movement towards an authoritarian regime by examining institutions, the military, civil society and other contextual factors from 2004 to 2016. The method that was applied to this study was a case study were theories about democracy and transition were used to analyze Turkey’s declining development of democracy. The results show that several cases of corruption and the lack of political neutrality within important institutions have had a negative impact on the regime. The military’s influence on the political power has decreased although the military still has a significant role within the regime. The right to express your word of opinion by taking part in demonstrations is strictly constrained due to reforms by the government. Conflicts between the PKK movement and the Turkish government has contributed to the unstable political situation in the country. One can draw the conclusion that all of these factors have had an impact on Turkey’s development towards an authoritarian regime, but unprecedented behavior within the institutions, an authoritarian leadership by the president and increasing religious influence have had the greatest impact on Turkey’s way towards an undemocratic governance.

Cette recherche s’interroge sur la manifestation du nationalisme, en tant qu’idéologie politique, dans les espaces publics, surtout dans un contexte où l'État, le gouvernement et les partis politiques sont des entités imbriquées. Il est soutenu qu’un parti politique peut promouvoir une idéologie nationale dans sa construction des espaces publics. Grâce à une étude de trois projets de construction promus par l’AKP depuis son arrivée au pouvoir en Turquie en 2002, c’est-à-dire le Musée Panorama 1453, le pont Yavuz Selim Sultan et la mosquée de Çamlıca, l’analyse soutient la construction d’une idéologie néo-ottomane. Si cette idéologie ne rompt pas complètement de l’identité turque comme distincte du monde arabe, elle diverge néanmoins du sécularisme kémaliste promu lors de la première République. L’idéologie hégémonique turque promouvoit désormais une plus grande emphase sur le passé ottoman, sur la visibilité de la religion islamique dans les espaces publics et un retour en force d’Istanbul, l’ancienne capitale ottomane. Pour parvenir à cette conclusion suite à un court séjour de terrain, des photographies ont été prises afin d’illustrer le propos. S’il s’avère que tous les espaces ne sont pas égaux en matière de symbolisme, aucun des espaces étudiés ne s’est avéré neutre de sens. / This research focuses on the manifestation of nationalism, as political ideology, in public spaces. It is argued that a political party can promote a national ideology in its construction of public spaces, especially in a context where state, government and political are intertwined entities. Thanks to a study of three construction projects promoted by the AKP since it came to power in Turkey in 2002, ie the Panorama 1453 Museum, the Yavuz Selim Sultan Bridge and the Çamlıca Mosque, the analysis supports the construction of a neo-Ottoman ideology. If this ideology does not completely break with the paradigm of a Turkish identity as distinct from the Arab world, it nevertheless diverges from the Kemalist secularism promoted during the first Republic. Turkish hegemonic ideology now promotes a greater emphasis on the Ottoman past, on the visibility of the Islamic religion in public spaces and a favouritism of Istanbul, the former Ottoman capital. To reach this conclusion following a short field trip, photographs were taken to illustrate the subject. If it turns out that not all spaces are equal in terms of symbolism, none of the spaces studied has turned out to be meaningless.

Neo-Ottomanism in Turkish Foreign Policy and Changes during the Erdoğan era Author: Vladimír Hurych Abstract In November 2002, the new emerging Justice and Development Party (AKP) experienced a landmark electoral victory that significantly rewrote the prevailing domestic and foreign policy identity. The Islam-based AKP and its leaders Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Abdullah Gül and Ahmet Davutoğlu initiated a massive transformation of the Turkish society imposing economic market-oriented reforms and emphasizing the role of democratic institutions and the potential EU membership. AKP establishment also adopted a new foreign policy identity - the neo-Ottomanism. The concept has a background in 1990's strategy of former President Turgut Özal who emphasized the historical, cultural and religious heritage of the Ottoman Empire. Based on domestic changing identity, AKP's neo-Ottomanism served as an ideological tool how to transform its foreign policy identity with using the Islamic narrative and soft power tools. The thesis analyses how the new establishment of 2000's redefined the role of Turkey regarding its geopolitical position in the Middle East. Turkey has been emphasizing its strategic role as a regional power on the crossroads of many cultures and geopolitical interests. The question is how and whether the AKP...

Les rapports turco-européens et turco-moyen-orientaux sont essentiellement influencés par les actions du Parti de la Justice et du Développement (AKP) à partir de son arrivée au pouvoir en 2002 jusqu’à nos jours. Cette thèse cherche à démontrer comment les changements réalisés par l’islamisme turc durant cette période ont impacté la politique étrangère du pays. D’une part, la recherche analyse le renouveau du courant conservateur en Turquie et son emprise progressive sur la société, jusque-là dominée par l’establishment kémaliste. L’application de la doctrine Davutoğlu privilégie une vision multidimensionnelle et civilisationnelle des relations internationales, et réconforte les tenants d’une conception novatrice de l’islamisme turc et la visibilité accrue des facteurs religieux dans la société. D’autre part, les années 2007-2010 sont marquées par la consolidation de l’AKP et l’accentuation des valeurs de l’islam qui aboutissent à une division de la société turque et une désillusion de l’Europe. Enfin, le déclenchement des révoltes populaires du Printemps arabe en 2011 annonce aussi un tournant majeur dans la gestion des relations extérieures turques avec le monde arabe. Cette période est également caractérisée par le début du renforcement d’un autoritarisme provoquant l’accroissement de la polarisation de la société. Le quatrième mandat gouvernemental de l’AKP, débuté en 2015, se trouve dès lors confronté à la multiplication de défis intérieurs et extérieurs pour le mouvement islamique turc. / The relationship of Turkey with Europe and the Middle East is greatly influenced by the actions of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) from coming to power in 2002 until nowadays. This thesis tries to make clear how the changes realized by the Turkish Islam during this period impacted on the foreign policy of the country. On the one hand, the research analyzes the revival of the conservative movement in Turkey and its progressive influence on the society, up to there dominated by the kemalist establishment. The application of the Davutoğlu’s doctrine favors a multidimensional and civilizational vision of the international relations, and comforts the upholders of an innovative design of the Turkish Islam and the greater visibility of the religious factors in the society. On the other hand, the years 2007-2010 are marked by the consolidation of the AKP and the accentuation of the Islamic values, ending in a division of the Turkish society and a disappointment of Europe. Finally the outbreak of popular uprisings of the Arab Spring in 2011 also announces a major turning point in the management of the Turkish external relations with the Arab World. This period is also characterized by the beginning of the strengthening of authoritarianism leading to the increase of the polarization in the society. The fourth term of the AKP’s government, begun in 2015, becomes thereby characterized by the increase of internal and external challenges for the Turkish Islamic movement.

Les rapports turco-européens et turco-moyen-orientaux sont essentiellement influencés par les actions du Parti de la Justice et du Développement (AKP) à partir de son arrivée au pouvoir en 2002 jusqu’à nos jours. Cette thèse cherche à démontrer comment les changements réalisés par l’islamisme turc durant cette période ont impacté la politique étrangère du pays. D’une part, la recherche analyse le renouveau du courant conservateur en Turquie et son emprise progressive sur la société, jusque-là dominée par l’establishment kémaliste. L’application de la doctrine Davutoğlu privilégie une vision multidimensionnelle et civilisationnelle des relations internationales, et réconforte les tenants d’une conception novatrice de l’islamisme turc et la visibilité accrue des facteurs religieux dans la société. D’autre part, les années 2007-2010 sont marquées par la consolidation de l’AKP et l’accentuation des valeurs de l’islam qui aboutissent à une division de la société turque et une désillusion de l’Europe. Enfin, le déclenchement des révoltes populaires du Printemps arabe en 2011 annonce aussi un tournant majeur dans la gestion des relations extérieures turques avec le monde arabe. Cette période est également caractérisée par le début du renforcement d’un autoritarisme provoquant l’accroissement de la polarisation de la société. Le quatrième mandat gouvernemental de l’AKP, débuté en 2015, se trouve dès lors confronté à la multiplication de défis intérieurs et extérieurs pour le mouvement islamique turc. / The relationship of Turkey with Europe and the Middle East is greatly influenced by the actions of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) from coming to power in 2002 until nowadays. This thesis tries to make clear how the changes realized by the Turkish Islam during this period impacted on the foreign policy of the country. On the one hand, the research analyzes the revival of the conservative movement in Turkey and its progressive influence on the society, up to there dominated by the kemalist establishment. The application of the Davutoğlu’s doctrine favors a multidimensional and civilizational vision of the international relations, and comforts the upholders of an innovative design of the Turkish Islam and the greater visibility of the religious factors in the society. On the other hand, the years 2007-2010 are marked by the consolidation of the AKP and the accentuation of the Islamic values, ending in a division of the Turkish society and a disappointment of Europe. Finally the outbreak of popular uprisings of the Arab Spring in 2011 also announces a major turning point in the management of the Turkish external relations with the Arab World. This period is also characterized by the beginning of the strengthening of authoritarianism leading to the increase of the polarization in the society. The fourth term of the AKP’s government, begun in 2015, becomes thereby characterized by the increase of internal and external challenges for the Turkish Islamic movement.

Les rapports turco-européens et turco-moyen-orientaux sont essentiellement influencés par les actions du Parti de la Justice et du Développement (AKP) à partir de son arrivée au pouvoir en 2002 jusqu’à nos jours. Cette thèse cherche à démontrer comment les changements réalisés par l’islamisme turc durant cette période ont impacté la politique étrangère du pays. D’une part, la recherche analyse le renouveau du courant conservateur en Turquie et son emprise progressive sur la société, jusque-là dominée par l’establishment kémaliste. L’application de la doctrine Davutoğlu privilégie une vision multidimensionnelle et civilisationnelle des relations internationales, et réconforte les tenants d’une conception novatrice de l’islamisme turc et la visibilité accrue des facteurs religieux dans la société. D’autre part, les années 2007-2010 sont marquées par la consolidation de l’AKP et l’accentuation des valeurs de l’islam qui aboutissent à une division de la société turque et une désillusion de l’Europe. Enfin, le déclenchement des révoltes populaires du Printemps arabe en 2011 annonce aussi un tournant majeur dans la gestion des relations extérieures turques avec le monde arabe. Cette période est également caractérisée par le début du renforcement d’un autoritarisme provoquant l’accroissement de la polarisation de la société. Le quatrième mandat gouvernemental de l’AKP, débuté en 2015, se trouve dès lors confronté à la multiplication de défis intérieurs et extérieurs pour le mouvement islamique turc. / The relationship of Turkey with Europe and the Middle East is greatly influenced by the actions of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) from coming to power in 2002 until nowadays. This thesis tries to make clear how the changes realized by the Turkish Islam during this period impacted on the foreign policy of the country. On the one hand, the research analyzes the revival of the conservative movement in Turkey and its progressive influence on the society, up to there dominated by the kemalist establishment. The application of the Davutoğlu’s doctrine favors a multidimensional and civilizational vision of the international relations, and comforts the upholders of an innovative design of the Turkish Islam and the greater visibility of the religious factors in the society. On the other hand, the years 2007-2010 are marked by the consolidation of the AKP and the accentuation of the Islamic values, ending in a division of the Turkish society and a disappointment of Europe. Finally the outbreak of popular uprisings of the Arab Spring in 2011 also announces a major turning point in the management of the Turkish external relations with the Arab World. This period is also characterized by the beginning of the strengthening of authoritarianism leading to the increase of the polarization in the society. The fourth term of the AKP’s government, begun in 2015, becomes thereby characterized by the increase of internal and external challenges for the Turkish Islamic movement.

The purpose of this paper has been to describe the change of governance in Turkey from 2005 until 2018. The method that has been applied is a comparative study as well as a case study where a theory of democracy was used to describe and compare the changes of governance in Turkey between 2005 and 2018. Robert Dahls theory of democracy was used for this paper to determine the change in governance between the relevant years. The analysis of each institution for each year was than compared to finally determine any change in governance. The study showed that the governance of Turkey has taken further backsliding steps of democracy compared to the situation in 2005. The changes consist of a centralization and increase of power within the presidency and further limitations within some rights and freedoms. The possibility for citizens to engage in politics in different ways, to express the opinions whether good or bad, to search for alternative information and to have the right to vote in free and fair elections have all worsened in 2018 compared to 2005.

Issu de l’islam politique turc, le Parti de la Justice et du Développement [Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP], arrivé au pouvoir en 2002, a suscité l’intérêt des observateurs internationaux par une politique étrangère active. Si celle-ci semble répondre à une certaine cohérence, elle a aussi connu, entre 2002 et 2016, de nombreuses évolutions. L’AKP tire sa vision stratégique et diplomatique des expériences de gouvernement antérieures, des idéologies conservatrices qui ont marqué le pays au XXe siècle et de la pensée de plusieurs intellectuels, dont le plus influent est Ahmet Davutoğlu, conseiller du Premier ministre puis ministre des Affaires étrangères (2009-2014). Le premier mandat de l’AKP (2002-2007) voit ce parti explorer différentes options stratégiques. Puis se met en place une doctrine qui s’appuie sur quelques grands principes, comme la pacification des relations de voisinage, une diplomatie pro-active et l’utilisation de tous les outils à disposition pour rayonner à l’échelle régionale puis globale. L’objectif est de mettre la Turquie au cœur des échanges commerciaux locaux, en s’appuyant sur son influence grandissante au Moyen-Orient pour peser auprès de ses partenaires internationaux. Les révolutions arabes de 2011 poussent l’AKP à repenser sa doctrine. Le pays se veut désormais un exemple au sein duquel valeurs traditionnelles et démocratie conservatrice peuvent cohabiter, ainsi qu’un soutien des Frères Musulmans, qui portent cette vision dans le monde arabe. Mais en 2013, plusieurs crises fragilisent cette vision et poussent la Turquie à renoncer à la doctrine élaborée par l’AKP. / The Justice and Development Party [Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP], which emerged from the Turkish political Islam in 2002, has aroused the interest of international observers through an active foreign policy. While this seems to be consistent, it also underwent many changes between 2002 and 2016. The AKP's strategic and diplomatic vision derives from past government experiences, the conservative ideologies that marked the country in the 20th century and the thoughts of several intellectuals, with Ahmet Davutoğlu, advisor to the Prime Minister and later Minister of Foreign Affairs (2009-2014) being the most influential of them. The first mandate of the AKP (2002-2007) witnessed a series of strategic options being explored within the party. This was followed by the establishment of a doctrine based on a few major principles, such as the pacification of neighbourly relations, pro-active diplomacy and the use of all the tools at hand to influence the regional and subsequently the global level. The objective was to put Turkey at the heart of local trade, using its growing influence in the Middle East to influence its international partners. The Arab revolutions of 2011 pushed the AKP to rethink its doctrine. The country yearns now for being an example within which traditional values and conservative democracy can coexist, as well as support from the Muslim Brotherhood, which brings this vision to the Arab world. But in 2013, several crises weakened this vision and forced Turkey to renounce the doctrine developed by the AKP.

Submitted by Willian Moraes Roberto (willianmroberto@gmail.com) on 2018-06-10T18:38:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2018 ROBERTO - AS MUDANÇAS NA POLÍTICA EXTERNA CONTEMPORÂNEA DA TURQUIA.pdf: 1635390 bytes, checksum: 164fd22530d74e85157deb0ed1fc5244 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-06-11T15:08:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 roberto_wm_me_mar.pdf: 1635390 bytes, checksum: 164fd22530d74e85157deb0ed1fc5244 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-11T15:08:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 roberto_wm_me_mar.pdf: 1635390 bytes, checksum: 164fd22530d74e85157deb0ed1fc5244 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A Turquia, localizada em um ponto estratégico entre a Europa e o Oriente Médio, historicamente um sido um ator relevante no cenário internacional. Desde 2003, com o advento ao poder do AKP (Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento), o país se destacou ainda mais. Por um lado, ganhou destaque seu modelo político devido ao fato de um partido de raízes islâmicas passar a coabitar instituições burocráticas seculares, aceitando as regras democráticas e conquistando altas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro, o novo governo iniciou uma reaproximação com o Oriente Médio através da doutrina de “Zero Problemas com Vizinhos” – região essa que há anos era pouco explorada pelas elites turcas tradicionais. Entretanto, com o início das revoltas árabes e a eclosão do conflito na Síria a partir de 2011, a Turquia novamente passou por uma inflexão em sua política externa. O governo turco passou a adotar uma postura assertiva, assumindo uma posição de grande influência tanto no conflito sírio quanto junto aos novos movimentos políticos islâmicos na região. Diante desse contexto, essa dissertação tem como pergunta de investigação por que a Turquia alterou sua política externa a partir de 2011, como foi orientada desde então e que fins buscou. Procuraremos argumentar que essa inflexão em 2011 ocorreu devido a dois choques externos: as revoltas árabes e uma nova postura dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, mas que a nova postura só foi possível devido às reformas domésticas realizadas pelo AKP. Além disso, apontaremos que, em 2011, o governo turco passou a ter uma política externa mais assertiva, objetivando colocar o país como uma espécie de liderança regional usando-se de seu modelo político. Por fim, demonstraremos que, com o passar do tempo e a radicalização da guerra na Síria, em 2015 novamente a Turquia modificou sua política externa, também devido a novos choques externos, quais sejam a autonomia curda na Síria e o surgimento do Estado Islâmico. Desde então, em um cenário de maior constrangimento e limitações externas, o governo turco passaria a enfatizar questões securitárias, priorizando problemas advindos da Síria, sobretudo aqueles ligados à questão curda. / Turkey, located at a strategic point between Europe and the Middle East, has historically been a relevant actor on the international scene. Since 2003, with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) coming to power, the country has stood out even more. On the one hand, its political model gained prominence due to the fact that an Islamic-rooted party began to cohabit secular bureaucratic institutions, accepting democratic rules and achieving high rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the new government began a rapprochement with the Middle East through the doctrine of "Zero Problems with Neighbors" - a region that for years was little explored by the traditional Turkish elites. However, with the start of the Arab uprisings and the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey again underwent an inflection in its foreign policy. The Turkish government adopted an assertive stance, assuming a position of great influence among both the Syrian conflict and the new Islamic political movements in the region. Given this context, this dissertation has as its research question the following: why Turkey changed its foreign policy in 2011, how has it been oriented since then and what aims has it sought. We will try to argue that this inflection in 2011 occurred due to two external shocks: the Arab revolts and a new US stance towards the Middle East; nonetheless, such new stance was only possible due to AKP’s domestic reforms. In addition, we will point out that in 2011 the Turkish government adopted a more assertive foreign policy, which aimed to place the country as a new regional leader through an emphasis on its political model. Finally, we will demonstrate that, over time, due to the radicalization of the Syrian war, Turkey again changed its foreign policy in 2015, also due to new external shocks, namely the achievement of Kurdish autonomy in Syria and the rise of the Islamic State. Since then, in a scenario of greater external constraints, the Turkish government would start to pay more attention to security issues, prioritizing problems arising from Syria, especially those related to the Kurdish issue.

Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / Resumo: A Turquia, localizada em um ponto estratégico entre a Europa e o Oriente Médio, historicamente um sido um ator relevante no cenário internacional. Desde 2003, com o advento ao poder do AKP (Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento), o país se destacou ainda mais. Por um lado, ganhou destaque seu modelo político devido ao fato de um partido de raízes islâmicas passar a coabitar instituições burocráticas seculares, aceitando as regras democráticas e conquistando altas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro, o novo governo iniciou uma reaproximação com o Oriente Médio através da doutrina de “Zero Problemas com Vizinhos” – região essa que há anos era pouco explorada pelas elites turcas tradicionais. Entretanto, com o início das revoltas árabes e a eclosão do conflito na Síria a partir de 2011, a Turquia novamente passou por uma inflexão em sua política externa. O governo turco passou a adotar uma postura assertiva, assumindo uma posição de grande influência tanto no conflito sírio quanto junto aos novos movimentos políticos islâmicos na região. Diante desse contexto, essa dissertação tem como pergunta de investigação por que a Turquia alterou sua política externa a partir de 2011, como foi orientada desde então e que fins buscou. Procuraremos argumentar que essa inflexão em 2011 ocorreu devido a dois choques externos: as revoltas árabes e uma nova postura dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, mas que a nova postura só foi possível devido às reformas domésticas realizadas pelo AKP. Além di... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Turkey, located at a strategic point between Europe and the Middle East, has historically been a relevant actor on the international scene. Since 2003, with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) coming to power, the country has stood out even more. On the one hand, its political model gained prominence due to the fact that an Islamic-rooted party began to cohabit secular bureaucratic institutions, accepting democratic rules and achieving high rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the new government began a rapprochement with the Middle East through the doctrine of "Zero Problems with Neighbors" - a region that for years was little explored by the traditional Turkish elites. However, with the start of the Arab uprisings and the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey again underwent an inflection in its foreign policy. The Turkish government adopted an assertive stance, assuming a position of great influence among both the Syrian conflict and the new Islamic political movements in the region. Given this context, this dissertation has as its research question the following: why Turkey changed its foreign policy in 2011, how has it been oriented since then and what aims has it sought. We will try to argue that this inflection in 2011 occurred due to two external shocks: the Arab revolts and a new US stance towards the Middle East; nonetheless, such new stance was only possible due to AKP’s domestic reforms. In addition, we will point out that in 2011 the Turki... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre