Since the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) victory and government in 2002, Turkey entered a new phase in its history and witnessed major changes in all social, economic, and political aspects. Turkish foreign policy went through huge transformations and the new AKP government was able to revolutionise Turkey’s international position. In particular, relations with Middle Eastern countries have tremendously improved and Turkish interests and role have been growing ever since. This thesis investigates the sources of change in Turkish foreign policy since 2002 towards the Middle East, focusing on the role of the AKP (Justice and Development Party) as a ruling party in particular on the changes it went through in the first ten years from 2002 to early 2012. The significant changes in Turkish foreign policy appeared under the AKP government became one of the most debated issues in this field and created a puzzle that many scholars attempted to explain. Therefore, the thesis engages in recent debates between the different scholars and analysts in the literature and argues that there is a need for a more inclusive approach that can recognize the complex and multilateral nature of the Turkish case. The aim is to assess and evaluate the plausibility of the available competing explanations in the literature in explaining such foreign policy outcomes. Therefore, the thesis borrows and builds on the works of Alexander George & Andrew Bennet (2005), and Derek Beach & Rasmus Pedersen (2013) by adopting the Process Tracing Methodology, which helps to facilitate a better critical analysis and systematic evaluation of the selected explanations. The results of this thesis demonstrate that single factor based explanations actually drive researchers away from achieving a comprehensive explanation and only help provide a partial picture. Therefore, the best way to go forward is by adopting a much more inclusive and multiple factors based approach recognising the important opportunity that foreign policy theories offer in looking at the Turkish case from different perspectives. The results of this thesis suggest that the best way for understanding Turkish foreign policy change is by recognizing the multiple roles of domestic and international economic, political,and ideational sources, as well as the role of policy makers, particularly that of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Ahmet Davutoglu. The contribution of this thesis lies within its analysis bringing the wide range of explanations in the literature together, exploring and summarizing the vast number of data in a more simplified manner, and examining the value and plausibility of the competing explanation to try and arrive at the most comprehensive explanation, all under one piece of work. Therefore, this thesis establishes a useful foundation for researchers to adopt and take forward in future studies.

This thesis explores the intersection of politics, religious ideology, and gender norms in the context of the Turkish labor market. I aim to shed light on the increasing interplay of these forces under AKP governance and, by extension, provide a rationale for Turkish women’s consistently low labor force participation. Further, I intend to expose that, despite introducing several legal reforms geared towards promoting gender equality, the party continues to frame the traditional family unit as the main pillar of social stability, thereby forcing women into a domestic box from which they have not been able to escape. I hypothesize that several of the AKP’s reforms, which involve various domains of Turkish society—the social security system, the institution of marriage, the family unit (specifically public childcare), and, more indirectly, the education system—have deterred Turkish women from entering and/or remaining in the labor force, as they are predicated on the party’s idealization of domesticity. Ultimately, I grapple with the ways in which the AKP’s policies and ideology have led to Turkish women’s low labor force participation rate—reported by the International Labour Organization (ILO) to be 32.37 percent in March 2017.[1] [1] “Labor Force Participation Rate, Female (% of Female Population Ages 15+) (Modeled ILO Estimate): Turkey,” The World Bank, November 2017, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FE.ZS?locations=TR.

The diploma thesis deals with the phenomena of Europeanisation of the third states and its limits. The thesis is a one-case study focusing on Turkey and Europeanization of its foreign policy. Foreign Policy Analysis was chosen as the method of the paper. It focuses here on the internal changes in Turkey that came up with the AKP party government and led to the change in foreign policy in which the relations with the EU were given less room. Economy and religion are analysed as two major limits of Europeanization. Economy was one of the motives on which the change of orientation of foreign policy was based when Turkey started establishing tighter relations with states in the regions of Middle East and Africa. Turkey was building its image as the hegemon and mediator in the region to protect its foreign investments. The AKP was a pro-Islamic political party and religion plays also a role in Turkish foreign policy. Since the AKP started ruling the country it has been reducing the secularization despite it was one of the pillars of the republic since it had been established. Islam became the unofficial but important factor in orientation of Turkish foreign policy. These factors had influence on Europeanization of the country because EU was becoming less priority region and this fact divided the...

This diploma thesis deals with the Europeanisation of the third states and its limits. The thesis is a one-case study focusing on Turkey and Europeanisation of its foreign policy. Foreign Policy Analysis has been chosen as the research method. The method focuses on economic relations between Turkey and the EU and other subjects and searches for potential correlation with foreign policy making process. At first, the thesis researches the historical context of the relations of the EU and Turkey, describes the governing party AKP and analyses the changes in foreign policy. Economic relations are presented by Turkish exports and imports and inward and outward foreign direct investments. At the beginning of its government, the AKP party put a lot of effort to Europeanisation of the country in matter of reforms which brought better legislation and increase of FDI, but also mutual trade with the EU. During the years, fluctuations in mutual relations appeared but these did not have any significant influence on the political relations. As well as deterioration in political relations did not influence mutual trade. The EU is still the most important trade partner of Turkey despite the fluctuations. If a turn away the EU should have come, the motives would come most probably from internal politics...

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate and describe the effects of the Middle East policies of Turkey and the European Union on mutual relations between the two actors with particular focus on the Arab Spring and its repercussions on regional stability and international relations. The key components of Turkey's foreign policy are analyzed from the perspectives of EU-Turkey relations and political stances of Turkey and the European Union towards the Middle East. Analysis of Turkey's and the EU's responses to the uprisings and their impact on the situation in the region is an important part of the study. The conclusions of this study confirm that the strategic cooperation between the EU and Turkey and the necessity of compensating each other's relative weaknesses in order to achieve similar foreign policy goals in the concerned region after the Arab Spring led to a rapprochement between the two actors. However, a direct influence of this rapprochement on the negotiation process regarding the future Turkish membership in the EU has not yet been observed. Key words Turkey, the European Union, Turkey-EU relations, negotiation process, the Middle East, MENA, foreign politics, the Arab Spring…

This thesis investigated the reactions to the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) recent lift of the ban against the Islamic headscarf in the Turkish Parliament. The reactions by the oppositional party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), were analysed through Norman Fairclough’s understanding of critical discourse analysis, which aims to illuminate unequal power relations created or recreated by the production of discursive practises, which is believed to ultimately affect social practises. The method of critical discourse analysis was accompanied by the feminist critique of orientalism, intended to assess how headscarved women are stereotyped and homogenised through orientalist ideas. The analysis resulted in an understanding of the complex power relations between the ruling party and the main oppositional party, as well as the effect of using orientalist ideas in discourse, possibility contributing to an increasingly extensive polarisation and, thus, the risk of increased conflicts between the secular groups and the more religiously observant groups in the Turkish society.

Cette thèse se propose d’explorer les modalités de constitution d’un domaine de production de savoirs dits académiques dépendant du pouvoir politique. La première partie examine la convergence de trajectoires individuelles vers une activité relativement nouvelle, située au carrefour de champ professionnels et centrée sur l’analyse de la politique étrangère turque menée depuis 2003 par le gouvernement du parti AKP. Partant de là, la seconde partie s’attache plus particulièrement aux liens des acteurs de l’espace identifié avec les responsables gouvernementaux. Il apparaît que ce domaine constitue un champ d’activité dont la structure concentrique découle de la proximité d’une communauté épistémique en son sein avec le champ politique. Par voie d’institutionnalisation et de cooptation du reste du champ, les membres de cette communauté parviennent à imposer une conception utilitaire des sciences sociales permettant de produire des savoirs convergent avec les priorités politiques du moment. La troisième partie examine donc le contenu de ces savoirs de sorte à démontrer le rôle de médiateur joué par le champ expert. Il se confirme alors que sa vocation est de convaincre diverses parties-prenantes, en Turquie et à l’étranger, de la légitimité et l’opportunité du projet hégémonique du gouvernement turc en direction du Moyen-Orient arabe. En définitive, par l’étude de cette configuration experte, a été aussi posé la question de la profondeur de la rupture créée par l’AKP dans le mode de gouvernement et les orientations géopolitique de la Turquie. L’analyse conclut à une rupture dans la continuité / This Ph. D. research offers an opportunity to explore the form of dependency to political power maintained by a self-labelled academic knowledge production domain. This study is based on the case study of Turkish Middle Eastern policy expertise. The first part examines the convergence of individual trajectories towards a relatively new activity in Turkey, located at the intersection of various professional fields and centered on the analysis of the AKP government foreign policy since 2003. The second part then focuses on the links that exist between the previously identified actors and statesmanship. It soon appears that this knowledge production forms a field of activity which concentric structure derives from the proximity of the epistemic community at its very center with the political arena. Through institutionalization and cooptation with the State’s material support, the epistemic community members manage to impose its utilitarian conception of social sciences to the whole expertise field, thereby bringing its actors to design knowledge convergent with the time’s policy priorities. The last part of this work consists of a study of this expertise’s content in order to demonstrate the go-between function played by experts. It appears ultimately that their mission is to convince foreign policy stakeholders in Turkey and abroad of the legitimacy and opportunity of Turkey’s hegemonic project towards the Arab Middle East (2003-2013). Finally, through the study of this expert configuration, it is the question of policy change and geopolitical shift that has been examined. The thesis concludes on the hypothesis of change within continuity

Universiẗat, Magisterarbeit--Würzburg, 2006. / Literaturverz. S. 147 - 155.

A Síndrome da Dor Anterior no Joelho (SDAJ) caracteriza-se por uma dor difusa retropatelar e peripatelar na articulação do joelho, exacerbada por atividades de sobrecarga sobre a articulação femoropatelar. Muitos estudos têm sido realizados no sentido de compreender os mecanismos causadores da SDAJ e suas consequências. Entre os aspectos pesquisados encontram-se a ativação muscular, relação de ativação e de capacidade de geração de força entre os músculos vasto medial e vasto lateral, a força quadriciptal e dos músculos do quadril, e as alterações mecânicas do membro inferior. Segundo a literatura, um dos principais fatores de risco para o desenvolvimento dessa patologia é a fraqueza dos extensores do joelho. A fraqueza dos extensores do joelho pode estar associada à inibição muscular (IM) que o músculo quadríceps femoral sofre em função dos estímulos dolorosos. Esta alteração na geração de força e na capacidade de ativação muscular parecem alterar a morfologia do quadríceps e influenciar as alterações mecânicas ao nível da articulação femoropatelar. Para o melhor do nosso conhecimento, não foi encontrado na literatura nenhum estudo sistemático que investigasse simultaneamente os diversos aspectos da SDAJ, tentando assim estabelecer uma relação entre os aspectos morfológicos, mecânicos e elétricos dos extensores do joelho com a SDAJ. O presente estudo tem por objetivo comparar as propriedades mecânicas, morfológicas e mioelétricas dos extensores do joelho entre sujeitos acometidos pela SDAJ e um grupo controle saudável (GC). Nossa hipótese era de que os pacientes com SDAJ apresentarão uma redução nas propriedades mecânicas, morfológicas e mioelétricas dos extensores do joelho em decorrência da inibição muscular (IM) crônica produzida pela síndrome. Além disso, o estudo também tem por objetivo avaliar se existe diferença na metodologia de aplicação da técnica de interpolação de abalo para avaliação da IM do quadríceps a partir da comparação do uso de estímulos elétricos supramáximos sobre o nervo femoral (padrão ouro) com a estimulação sobre o ponto motor (nova metodologia) em sujeitos saudáveis e indivíduos com SDAJ. Nossa hipótese era de que a estimulação sobre o ponto motor será menos desconfortável que sobre o nervo femoral e os resultados de IM serão menos variáveis (com uma menor dispersão) em função desse menor desconforto. No Capítulo I, foi realizado um levantamento da literatura sobre as variáveis que foram avaliadas no decorrer do estudo, buscando informar ao leitor o que já foi feito na área, as lacunas e contradições acerca da SDAJ. No Capítulo II, foi realizado um estudo transversal sobre a avaliação da IM do quadríceps femoral, a partir da Técnica de Interpolação de Abalo (ITT), com a aplicação do abalo sobre o nervo femoral (NF) e sobre o ponto motor (PM). Vinte e nove sujeitos do sexo feminino, com idade entre 20 e 40 anos, sintomáticas (SDAJ, n=16) e assintomáticas (GC, n=13) para SDAJ, foram submetidas a avaliação da IM sobre o PM e NF no ângulo de 60° de flexão do joelho (0°=extensão máxima). Os resultados demonstraram que, para o grupo SDAJ, o PM apresenta resultados inferiores de IM comparado ao NF; já para o GC, os resultados foram semelhantes entre os dois pontos de estimulação. No Capítulo III foram realizadas avaliações da capacidade funcional, da IM e das propriedades mecânicas, morfológicas e mioelétricas dos extensores do joelho. Trinta e duas mulheres, com idade entre 20 e 40 anos, sintomáticas (SDAJ, n=16) e assintomáticas (GC, n=16) para SDAJ, foram avaliadas. Os resultados apontam para uma maior IM e reduções na capacidade funcional, no torque isométrico, na espessura da cartilagem femoropatelar e na arquitetura muscular do grupo SDAJ em relação ao GC. A revisão de literatura realizada no Capítulo I demonstrou que a literatura apresenta divergências sobre as alterações neuromecânicas decorrentes da SDAJ em mulheres. Os resultados do Capítulo II indicam que a avaliação da IM por meio da ITT é melhor tolerada por mulheres jovens sintomáticas para SDAJ quando avaliada no NF em comparação ao PM. Já no Capítulo III foram observados maiores valores de IM e reduções na capacidade funcional, torque isométrico, espessura da cartilagem femoropatelar e arquitetura muscular nos sujeitos com SDAJ em comparação ao GC saudável. / The Anterior Knee Pain (AKP) syndrome is characterized by retropatellar and peripatellar diffuse pain in the knee joint, exacerbated by overloading activities on the patellofemoral joint. Many studies have been carried out to understand the causal mechanisms of AKP and its consequences. Among the researched aspects are muscle activation, relationship of activation and capacity of strength generation between the vastus medialis and the vastus lateralis muscles, the strength of quadriceps and hip muscles, and mechanical changes of the lower limb. According to the literature, one of the main risk factors for the development of this pathology is the knee extensors weakness. This knee extensors weakness might be associated with the muscle inhibition (MI) that the femoral quadriceps muscle suffers as a result of painful stimuli. These changes in strength generation and muscle activation capacity appear to change the quadriceps morphology and influence mechanical changes at the patellofemoral joint level. To the best of our knowledge, there is no systematic study in the literature that simultaneously investigated the various aspects of AKP, trying to establish a relationship between the morphological, mechanical and electrical aspects of the knee extensors in subjects with AKP. This study aimed to compare the knee extensors mechanical, morphological and myoelectric properties between subjects affected by AKP and a control group (CG). Our hypothesis was that patients with AKP should present a reduction in the knee extensors mechanical, morphological and myoelectric properties due to chronic muscle inhibition (MI) produced by the syndrome. In addition, the study also aimed to evaluate whether there are differences in methodology for application of the interpolated twitch technique for evaluation of the quadriceps MI by comparing the use of supramaximal electrical stimulation on the femoral nerve (gold standard) with stimulation on the motor point (new methodology) in healthy subjects and subjects affected by AKP. Our hypothesis was that the stimulation on the motor point should be less uncomfortable than on the femoral nerve and MI results should be less variable (with lower dispersion) due to such lower discomfort. In Chapter I, a literature review on the variables that were evaluated throughout the study was carried out, seeking to inform the reader on what has already been done in the area, on gaps and contradictions regarding AKP. Chapter II presents a transversal study on the assessment of the quadriceps MI with the use of the Interpolated Twitch Technique (ITT), with application of twitch on the femoral nerve (FN) and on the motor point (MP). Twenty-nine women, aged between 20 and 40 years, symptomatic (AKP, n=16) and asymptomatic (CG, n=13) for AKP, were subjected to evaluation of MI on the MP and FN at an angle of 60° of knee flexion (0°=fully extended). Results showed that, for the AKP group, MP has inferior results of MI when compared to FN; results are similar between the two stimulation points for the CG. In Chapter III, evaluations of functional capacity, MI and knee extensors mechanical, morphological and myoelectric properties were carried out. Thirty-two women, aged between 20 and 40 years, symptomatic (AKP, n =16) and asymptomatic (CG, n =16) for AKP were evaluated. Results indicated greater MI and reductions in functional capacity, in isometric torque, in patellofemoral cartilage thickness and in muscle architecture in the AKP group compared to CG. Results from literature review conducted in Chapter I showed disagreement about neuromechanics changes resulting from SDAJ in women. Chapter II results indicated that the evaluation of IM through ITT is better tolerated by young women symptomatic for SDAJ when evaluated in the NF compared to the PM. Chapter III showed higher MI values and reductions in functional capacity, isometric torque, patellofemoral cartilage thickness and muscle architecture in subjects with SDAJ compared to a healthy GC.

This thesis aims to study obstacles which Turkey faces regarding EU accession. The main focus will be at the historical context and background information to clarify Turkey-EU relationship and institutional aspects such as; the Copenhagen criteria will be analyzed. Interaction between identity politics and Turkeys Europeanization project will be examined by analyzing arguments regarding this issue. The historical context is important for realizing in how Turkey's negotiation process is affected and how the process is evolved. By examining this, a more transparent understanding is going to develop in the issue of why Turkey never will be able to identify itself with the EU. Analysis regarding why Turkey as a secular state develops into an increasingly Islamized state is highlighted. Answers must be given to whether Turkey can be interpreted as a "bridge" between East and West and where we can place Turkey in the spatial context.In relation to this process, it`s important to notice that changes in Turkey from the Euro-friendly attitude it once had has gradually turned to the more Euro-skeptic position. One of the several reasons to Euro-skepticism may be the ongoing economic growth. This, as many other factors contribute to the self-confidence, which in turn affects internal arguments about a new era of the so-called neo-ottomanization. By presenting arguments related to the process, it will be made clear how Turkey increasingly clarifies its position within the civilizations. The thesis will present that there is a trend towards Islamization which the AKP government gives impetus for. The intention is to see if the era with the AKP government will push Turkey to democracy or even more of an Islamization. This paper will point out the actual intentions of AKP and its politicians. It will clarify their ideas about a possible EU membership, Europeanization and integration. This process will be illustrated by using Samuel Huntington’s theoretical perspective by the "Clashes of civilizations" as inspiration throughout the thesis. In the part of empirical analysis, debates and arguments is cited and examined, with a critical idea analysis and also structured with argumentation analysis.