The aim of this thesis is to examine how the Islamization phenomenon has influenced zakat. The study shows that the distribution of the fund for income generation is a manifestation of the impact of Islamization on the zakat institution. Islamization is an outgrowth of increased religious awareness among Muslims and greater governmental concern with Islamic matters. Such a phenomenon might be initiated either by society or by government. In the case of zakat, a religious duty, the institution has been revived and shaped to become a potentially useful development tool, causing Muslims to look to existing initiatives, in this case income generation, to improve the disbursement system. The greater role of zakat in the economy has also entailed new interpretations of law by means of ijtihad, as the new mechanism to a certain extent is adoption of modern practice originally outside of Islamic realm. Income generation through zakat is a new way of distribution whereby the zakat fund is used for helping the poor to generate their own income. Discussion of the new idea began in the mid-twentieth century and has been implemented in a few Muslim countries. In a country which was clearly moving towards the formation of an Islamic State, namely Pakistan, the effort to introduce the initiative could be seen as part of the effort to achieve a fully religious government. By contrast, where a government, like that of Indonesia, tends to remain neutral in regard to religion, income generation has been mainly part of a societal agenda. In both cases, the zakat rulings will change according to the form taken by Islamization in the country. Malaysia, the country given a special focus in this thesis, is an example of Islamization as initiated by both government and society. The Islamization of society in the 1970s led the secular government to become accommodative towards Islam. Zakat was gradually rejuvenated through better administration and was eventually proposed for active involvement in poverty eradication. The tradition hence has been transformed into a development institution which is not merely religious in nature. In a federation such as Malaysia, policies outlined by the federal government will be followed by the states. Selangor, as the most active state in offering income generation through zakat, has been chosen for further elaboration in this study. Looking at zakat’s financial potential, the state has embraced the institution as part of its development program. Society and the state government have cooperated in supporting the implementation of income generation. Income generation in this context complements the state’s development effort. In addition, ijtihad has been employed to accommodate the changes in the practice of zakat. In sum, the thesis shows how the Islamization phenomenon has influenced religious institutions in general and zakat in particular. It appears that the institution can adapt to contemporary challenges, depending on the societal, economic and political agendas of a modern state.

The main object of this paper is an attempt to illustrate the present situation of TeheranUniversity Central Library and its 17 faculty libraries. The main aspects of these librarieswhich will be discussed are collections, staffing, management, shelving, cataloguing and thelibrary users. The findings of a survey which was conducted by the author in Iran in thesummer 1995 form the main basis of the discussions.Some of the problems in these libraries are mentioned and the possible solutions arerecommended.The study also examines the role and effect of the Islamic Revolution and de-westernizationpolicy of the present regime on these libraries.A historical background of higher education, foundation of the University of Teheran,librarianship and the whole range of libraries in Iran are discussed briefly.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:48:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cesar Rocha Lima.pdf: 3852220 bytes, checksum: e51e97e8b8d6c9cf9eaecc8819d39019 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-16 / The phenomenon of brazilian reversion to Islam has disquieted scientists of religion, sociologists and anthropologists. The search for a religion that causes disruptions with the ethnicity and the majority religiosity of Brazil, brings with it a strangeness caused by the principles of Christianity to Islam. This survey listed the main symbolic deconstructions and reconstructions of the Christian reverted to Islam. For this, it poured a sample group reversed of the Pari s mosque - SP, which was studied to a quantitative and qualitative research. The objective of this research consisted in seeking measure, in the reversed s imaginary, in moments "before" and "after" the reversal, the displacements of symbolic goods of Christianity and Islam. The results were contemplated in eight distinct categories: exclusion, reframing, replacement, incorporation and symbolic belongings (cultural capital). From these results, using theoretical tools created, the symbolic belongings were divided in two categories: muslims and arabs, in order to discuss the impasse between the terms: (un)arabization and islamization. Finally, it was concluded that, in the process of reversion to Islam in Sunni communities, there is an opening for the incorporation of elements from Brazilian culture and great difficulty to break with the Arab elements. / O fenômeno da reversão de brasileiros ao Islã tem inquietado cientistas da religião, sociólogos e antropólogos. A busca de uma religião que causa rupturas com a etnicidade e religiosidade majoritária do Brasil, traz em si, um estranhamento pela mudança dos princípios do cristianismo para o islamismo. Esta pesquisa elencou as principais desconstruções e reconstruções simbólicas do cristão revertido ao Islã. Para tanto ela serviu-se da amostra de um grupo de revertidos da Mesquita do Pari SP, onde foi aplicada a pesquisa quantitativa e qualitativa. O objetivo da pesquisa constituiu-se em procurar mensurar, no imaginário do revertido, nos momentos antes e depois da reversão, o deslocamentos dos bens simbólicos do cristianismo e Islã. Os resultados foram contemplados em oito categorias distintas: a exclusão, ressignificação, incorporação e substituição de bem simbólico (capital cultural). A partir destes resultados, através de instrumental teórico criado, procurou-se dividir os bens simbólicos em duas categorias: islâmicos e árabes, a fim de se discutir o impasse entre os termos: (des)arabização e islamização. Por fim, concluiu-se que, no processo de reversão ao Islã nas comunidades sunitas, há uma abertura para a incorporação de elementos da cultura brasileira e grande dificuldade com a ruptura com os elementos árabes.

This study interrogates whose knowledge about the self and the other is represented to Iranian students in the 2004 and in selected pre-2004 editions of elementary and guidance school textbooks by analyzing how issues of identity politics, diversity, “citizenship” and development inform the construction of Iranian national identity since the introduction of various curriculum reforms (i.e.: global education) after the Revolution of 1978-79. I draw upon antiracism and transnationalism as discourses of analysis through which the West-East dichotomy is (re)evaluated and interrogated within the context of Edward Said’s notion of Orientalism and Boroujerdi’s (1996) conceptualization of “Orientalism in reverse”. I utilize deconstruction, discourse and qualitative interpretative content analyses as methods of investigating how “race”, ethnicity, social class and gender are configured in representations of sameness and difference. I “look at style, figures of speech, settings, narrative devices, historical and social circumstances, not the correctness of the representation nor its fidelity to some great original” (Said, 1978, p. 28). I argue that the ideal citizen and Iranian national identity are constructed by references to conflicting discourses of mustāżafīn (the oppressed), jīhād-i sūzandagī (the Reconstruction Jīhād), ‘ashayir (nomadic tribes), Ummat-i Islamī (Islamic Nation/Community), Īrān-dūstī (loving Iran), the Aryan migration, velayat-e-faqih and colonialism. In their discursive formations, nationalist, anti-imperialist, Islamic, middle-class and Orientalist narratives construct a homogenized Iranian citizenry who has always been active in regional/global relations of power. The ideal citizen is represented through the invocation of two types/sets of “shifting collectivities” that identify it as “white”, male, Shi’a, Aryan-Pars, progressive, independent, pious and a leader in the Islamic world. The first set divides between Shi’a-Persians and non-Shi’a and non-Persians. The second set of binary oppositions represents the ideal citizen in relation and in opposition to the West and the East in their multiple and historical forms. These textbooks are assimilationist texts that act as “border patrolling” and “stignatizing” discourses. They are also forms of “textual genocide” that exclude the voices and histories of national and global minorities and acts of discrimination committed by Iranians against women and minority religious and ethnic groups as official knowledge about friendly/enemy insiders and outsiders.

The full abstract for this thesis is available in the body of the thesis, and will be available when the embargo expires. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

This thesis aims to study obstacles which Turkey faces regarding EU accession. The main focus will be at the historical context and background information to clarify Turkey-EU relationship and institutional aspects such as; the Copenhagen criteria will be analyzed. Interaction between identity politics and Turkeys Europeanization project will be examined by analyzing arguments regarding this issue. The historical context is important for realizing in how Turkey's negotiation process is affected and how the process is evolved. By examining this, a more transparent understanding is going to develop in the issue of why Turkey never will be able to identify itself with the EU. Analysis regarding why Turkey as a secular state develops into an increasingly Islamized state is highlighted. Answers must be given to whether Turkey can be interpreted as a "bridge" between East and West and where we can place Turkey in the spatial context.In relation to this process, it`s important to notice that changes in Turkey from the Euro-friendly attitude it once had has gradually turned to the more Euro-skeptic position. One of the several reasons to Euro-skepticism may be the ongoing economic growth. This, as many other factors contribute to the self-confidence, which in turn affects internal arguments about a new era of the so-called neo-ottomanization. By presenting arguments related to the process, it will be made clear how Turkey increasingly clarifies its position within the civilizations. The thesis will present that there is a trend towards Islamization which the AKP government gives impetus for. The intention is to see if the era with the AKP government will push Turkey to democracy or even more of an Islamization. This paper will point out the actual intentions of AKP and its politicians. It will clarify their ideas about a possible EU membership, Europeanization and integration. This process will be illustrated by using Samuel Huntington’s theoretical perspective by the "Clashes of civilizations" as inspiration throughout the thesis. In the part of empirical analysis, debates and arguments is cited and examined, with a critical idea analysis and also structured with argumentation analysis.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Islam permeated throughout the military institutions of Malaysia, Pakistan and Indonesia and replaced the Western and foreign military cultures the military had inherited due to society becoming Islamized following the revival of Islam. The implementation of true Islamic model practices and values differ slightly from country to country depending first on the level of piousness of its existing military personnel, new personnel input and the military leadership. The second factor is the degree of motivational drive of the head of state in encouraging Islam. Islamized military institutions are also faced with the challenges created as a result of sects and schools that emerge in the form of Islamic parties and extremist groups. The argument will be that Islamic teachings in military affairs can result in peace, solidarity and solve the Civil-Military Relations (CMR) problems. In the final analysis, guided moderate Islamic influence' bring harmony to CMR in Malaysia, while the uncoordinated influence of Islam in the Indonesian military made the CMR problematic. It is different in Pakistan because the strong influence of Islam has encouraged the generals to wrest political power from civilians. / Lieutenant Colonel, Royal Malaysian Air Force

The purpose of the paper is to investigate how different religious groups such as Muslims and Christians are presented in the digital magazine Samtiden. Furthermore, the purpose is to investigate whether and how different religions differ in their presentation and whether there is a clear agenda related to emerging beliefs.  The actual selection I chose to start from is the year 2018 where articles in relation to my keywords and delimitations have been shown. They have then been analyzed through a qualitative text analysis with the ambition to be able to answer my questions and the purpose of investigating how different religious groups such as Muslims and Christians are portrayed in the digital magazine Samtiden. By starting from my theoretical starting points about postcolonial theory, anti-emigration, post-secular theory and gender perspective, I, along with methodological approaches, have got tools to be able to analyze the material in a successful way.  My results show how the representation of religions is manifested and what distinguishes them from where it appears that stereotypical categorizations such as Muslims are cruel, violent and perceived as a threat while Christians appear to be victims of Muslim aggression. The Christian and "Swedish" appear to be intertwined and constitute "we" while Muslims are portrayed as "them".

(<特集>価値多元化社会における教育の目的)

Over the last few years, the debate on what a secularized state is, and should be have been increasing in both spread and aggression. One of the many topics triggering this debate is the question if call to prayer should be allowed or not. The Islamic call to prayer is a phenomenon that awakes strong emotions and reactions in western society, and it has been well debated in media. The aim of this thesis is thus to investigate this debate and what ideological standpoints the arguments are based upon. sing the theories of Jürgen Habermas and José Casanova, on the theories of secularization, the debate on the permission of call to prayer in Växjö have been analysed. To give a fair representation of the debate, articles from four different, well established Swedish newspapers have been used.    It has been found that one of the most frequently used arguments against a permission is the fear that the allowance of one call to prayer a day will lead to more extreme, and eventually radical, Islamic elements in the Swedish society.  The study shows that the view of what a secularized state is, is diverse but can generally be divided into two categories, the view that proclaims positive or negative freedom of religion.  Among the arguments against the permission, most part are solely emotional, whereas the arguments supporting the permission often are more rational.     The conclusion is that main part of the arguments is based on liberal and democratic values but how they are interpreted varies. On the side supporting the permission, the arguments are based on equality, the importance of the freedom of speech and the belief that multicultural is enriching. On the opposite side, the arguments are based on the conservation of the Swedish heritage, the Christian faith and effective integration. Many arguments against a permission are problematic since they are constructed on an emotional basis. In a secular state, this type of questions should be handled rational, based on the law of freedom of religion.