The aim of this thesis is to explain the typology of civilian control in Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era and to explain the correlation between that particular type of civilian control and the perception of China threat among civilian groups. The establishment of civilian control in most cases is seen as either a result or a consequence of democratization process or the transformation from authoritarian to democratic society. The assessment on the case of Taiwan is no different. In this logic of thinking, the establishment of a democratic or objective civilian control is considered as the main goal. An objective civilian control, according to Huntington, has several prerequisites such as military disengagement from politics, full military submission to civilian authority, and, most importantly, the establishment of professional military. Critics to Huntington ideals usually revolve around the necessity to have a clear disengagement of the military from politics. Drawing from Huntington and his critics, I propose three indicators to categorize civilian control into objective and subjective. Those are the military autonomy, which is a direct result of the existence of a clear set of boundaries between military and civilian areas or roles, the existence or inexistence of intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence or inexistence of interpenetration. Using those indicators, my assessment on Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era finds out that the military autonomy did exist with the adoption of the twin defense laws, the existence of an acute intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence of civilian penetration into military area. This civilian penetration itself was a result of an overt-concentration of roles into civilian hands, which leaving the military in a very limited role and powerless position, and the intra-civilian rivalry which drove both Chen’s government and pan-blue opposition to use military issues as bargaining chip to strengthen their political position. In conclusion, instead of having an objective civilian control, Taiwan under Chen Shui-bian was suffering from a subjective civilian control. To answer the question of why such an opposite result appeared, from what is supposed to be the result of the democratization process, I argue that the divergent of perception on China threat among civilian is among the factors that explain such a contradiction. Most assessment on the issue of civilian control in Taiwan is focusing on the identity politics as the explaining factor. In this thesis, I argue that the identity politics is necessary but not sufficient to explain the contradictory result. The divergent perception on China threat among civilian serves as the foundation to explain the political behavior of political parties in Taiwan. Due to this differing perception, political parties could not find a congruent understanding of external threat that makes any defense related issue became a political issue. / The aim of this thesis is to explain the typology of civilian control in Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era and to explain the correlation between that particular type of civilian control and the perception of China threat among civilian groups. The establishment of civilian control in most cases is seen as either a result or a consequence of democratization process or the transformation from authoritarian to democratic society. The assessment on the case of Taiwan is no different. In this logic of thinking, the establishment of a democratic or objective civilian control is considered as the main goal. An objective civilian control, according to Huntington, has several prerequisites such as military disengagement from politics, full military submission to civilian authority, and, most importantly, the establishment of professional military. Critics to Huntington ideals usually revolve around the necessity to have a clear disengagement of the military from politics. Drawing from Huntington and his critics, I propose three indicators to categorize civilian control into objective and subjective. Those are the military autonomy, which is a direct result of the existence of a clear set of boundaries between military and civilian areas or roles, the existence or inexistence of intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence or inexistence of interpenetration. Using those indicators, my assessment on Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era finds out that the military autonomy did exist with the adoption of the twin defense laws, the existence of an acute intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence of civilian penetration into military area. This civilian penetration itself was a result of an overt-concentration of roles into civilian hands, which leaving the military in a very limited role and powerless position, and the intra-civilian rivalry which drove both Chen’s government and pan-blue opposition to use military issues as bargaining chip to strengthen their political position. In conclusion, instead of having an objective civilian control, Taiwan under Chen Shui-bian was suffering from a subjective civilian control. To answer the question of why such an opposite result appeared, from what is supposed to be the result of the democratization process, I argue that the divergent of perception on China threat among civilian is among the factors that explain such a contradiction. Most assessment on the issue of civilian control in Taiwan is focusing on the identity politics as the explaining factor. In this thesis, I argue that the identity politics is necessary but not sufficient to explain the contradictory result. The divergent perception on China threat among civilian serves as the foundation to explain the political behavior of political parties in Taiwan. Due to this differing perception, political parties could not find a congruent understanding of external threat that makes any defense related issue became a political issue.

Since the independence of Indonesia in 1945, Indonesia has experienced several changes during the last sixty years and is now moving towards democratization. Of these political changes, Indonesia's civil-military relationship has always played a key role. During the era of Cold War, Indonesia¡¦s military were fighting against colonial power and facing the ideological confrontation. As political changes are going on, the military is asked to get out of political system in Indonesia. During the war of Independence, Indonesia¡¦s military played a role to save the country, they fought against the Dutch under the belief of nationalism. Indonesia's parliamentary democracy in the 1950s caused political disorder. Sukarno¡¦s leftist ideology has also caused the military unrest. With both internal and external factors, military coup happened in September 1965, which result in the region of authoritarian rule of Suharto. During the Suharto era, Indonesia's military penetrated in political, economic and social areas in Indonesia. The military became the supreme power that controlled the country. Indonesia's economic growth was claimed to be as a source of legitimacy for Suharto¡¦s regime. Indonesia¡¦s economy was almost collapsed of the financial crisis in 1997. As Mr.Suharto is losing his ruling legitimacy in Indonesia, it¡¦s made Suharto step down in May 1998. Indonesia¡¦s military then began to change. Indonesia has experienced four presidential elections, and regarded as a democratic state. But, if Indonesia wants to achieve a true civilian control over the military still, further military professionalism has to be done.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis examines civil-military relations during the critical moments of the Czechoslovak history, particularly during the deep political and societal crises in 1938, 1948, 1968, and 1989. Such a method offers an opportunity to analyze civilian control of the military under a situation when the civil-military relations are in deep crisis. By concluding that even under such conditions there were stable civil-military relations in former Czechoslovakia, this thesis affirms the theory of military professionalism as a crucial factor in civil-military relations, as presented by Samuel P. Huntington. Thus, the study of civil-military relations in crises of the Czechoslovak history provides an exceptional opportunity to test the Huntington's model of the equilibrium of objective civilian control in the circumstances of profound societal disturbances. In accordance with the Huntington's theory of stable civil-military relations, this thesis attests that a strong military professionalism, typified by the bonds of traditions, obedience, and patriotic loyalty, plays crucial role in determining stability of civil-military relations, i.e. an objective civilian control of the military. Subsequently, by following this reasoning this thesis also justifies assumption of permanently stable civil-military relations in Czechia, because it intentionally concentrates only on the continuum of the Czechoslovak and the Czech civil-military relations. / Lieutenant Colonel, Czech Air Force

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since 1989 the study of democratic civil military relations has undergone a revival of the formation of new theory. These concepts deal with civilian control of armed forces at a national level. Since after the end of the Cold War, the European employment of military forces within a multinational framework became a regularity, it is now pertinent to ask whether and how these concepts fit at the international level. The construction of Europe and the rise of new security challenges raises the issue of democratic civil military relations in the European Union. The present thesis analyses classical and new theories of civil military relations and applies these to the current issue of security policy and the formation of strategy for a supra-national European Union. / Lieutenant Colonel, Austrian Army

The 2021 military coup in Myanmar is part of a much bigger trend towards democratic regression in Southeast Asia where military influence has played an important role. Previous research on the SEA region suggests that the citizenry has been overlooked in understanding how civil-military relations have been shaped. Rebecca L. Schiff’s concordance theory presumes that when concordance, i.e., agreement, between the military, political leadership, and the citizenry exists on the four indicators (1) social composition of officer corps, (2) political decision-making procedures, (3) recruitment method and (4) military style, military intervention in domestic politics is less likely to occur. The aim of this thesis is to conduct a comparative case study of Myanmar and Indonesia to understand how the three actors have shaped their respective civil-military relations. By applying concordance theory, a comparison is made to assess the theory’s predictive and explanatory power of the two cases. Results suggest that the two cases' political developments are in line with the theory. Indonesia demonstrates a higher degree of concordance among all indicators and has not experienced a military intervention in the studied time period. Comparatively, Myanmar demonstrates a low degree ofconcordance among all indicators and subsequently, military intervention in domestic politics is common. However, a lack of data on some indicators questions the strength of these claims. Collecting primary material for future research is suggested to analyse the concordance of all four indicators in depth and ensure an accurate representation of the citizenry for both cases.

This thesis analyzes the process of democratization in Argentina after 1983 by tracing the developments which led to the establishment of civilian control over the military during the periods of President Alfonsin and President Menem. The study first reviewed the political and historical background of Argentina with specific reference to the military interventions. Then, the new democratic order, its economic structure and the position of the military and the civilians after transition to democracy are analyzed. The thesis identified the nature of the transition, the economic reform process, the new elite consensus, the psychology of the military and the international atmosphere as the most important factors which shaped the process of ensuring civilian control over the military.

No Brasil, o gradualismo presente no processo de transição democrática implicou em um legado autoritário nas instituições políticas, explícito atualmente na insuficiente delimitação entre segurança interna e externa, além do baixo controle sobre as atividades de segurança de modo geral. Mais especificamente, a tardia criação do Ministério da Defesa demonstra a dificuldade de exercer o controle civil sobre os militares no país. Entretanto, a administração de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) representa um avanço em relação aos ministros anteriores ao exercer uma direção política civil com autoridade, que efetivamente contribuiu para melhorar o controle civil democrático. A Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008), a Lei Complementar nº 136 (2010) e o Livro Branco (2012) são documentos que sinalizam profundas alterações institucionais no Ministério. O objetivo do artigo é compreender o impacto dessas mudanças sobre as relações entre civis e militares, a partir do conceito de controle civil democrático, bem como contextualizar politicamente as razões para que tenham acontecido. No rastro da crise da aviação civil, constata-se que houve uma mudança na balança de poder interna ao Estado, que permitiu consolidar a autoridade civil no Ministério da Defesa, a partir da nomeação do Ministro Jobim, em 2007. A partir de um estudo de caso, conclui-se que uma combinação de fatores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional e apoio do Executivo) contribuiu para que essas alterações estruturais fossem levadas a cabo no órgão, as quais efetivamente criaram uma estrutura civil no Ministério. / In Brazil, the gradual democratic transition process has generated political institutions with authoritarian characteristics, such as a blurred distinction between internal and external security, as well as a low control under security activities in general. More specifically, the late creation of a Ministry of Defence shows how difficult is to control the military in this country. However, Nelson Jobim’s administration (2007-2011) is an advance comparing to the previous ones, having exerted an effective political authority that has improved democratic civilian control. The National Strategic Defence (2008), the Complimentary Law nº 136 (2010) and the White Book (2012) have contributed for important changes in the Ministry. The objective is to understand the impact of these changes on civil-military relations, based on the concept of democratic civilian control, as well as to identify the reasons behind them. After the civilian aviation crisis, there was a change in the internal State’s balance of power, which helped to consolidated the civilian authority in the Ministry of Defence after Nelson Jobim’s nomination in 2007. In conclusion, a number of factors (personal characteristics, national and international conjunctures and the Executive support) made possible these strucutural changes to happen, which effectivelly created a civilian strucuture in the Ministry. / En Brasil, el gradualismo del proceso de transición democrática generó características autoritárias en las instituciones políticas, las cuales están presentes hoy en día en la insuficiente diferenciación entre la seguridad interna y la seguridad exterior, así como en el bajo control de las actividades de seguridad en general. Es decir, la tardía creación del Ministerio de la Defensa demuenstra las dificultades de ejercer el control civil de los militares en el país. Sin embargo, la administración de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) es um avanzo en comparación con los ministerios anteriores, pues él ejerció una dirección política civil con autoridad que contribuyó de manera efectiva para mejorar el control civil democrático. La Estratégia Nacional de Defensa (2008), la Ley Complementar nº 136 (2010) y el Libro Blanco (2012) son documentos que contribuyeron para las alteraciones institucionales en el Ministerio. El objetivo del artículo es entender el impacto de esos cambios en las relaciones civiles militares, basado en el concepto de control civil democrático, así como contextualizar sus razones políticas. Después de la crisis de la aviación civil, un cambio se pasó en la balanza de poder interna del Estado, que permitió la consolidación de la autoridad civil en el Ministerio con la nominación de Nelson Jobim en 2007. A través de un estudo de caso, la conclusión es que una combinación de factores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional y apoyo del Ejecutivo) contribuyeron para que essas alteraciones estructurales ocurriera, las cuales efectivamente crearon una estrutura civil en el Ministério.

No Brasil, o gradualismo presente no processo de transição democrática implicou em um legado autoritário nas instituições políticas, explícito atualmente na insuficiente delimitação entre segurança interna e externa, além do baixo controle sobre as atividades de segurança de modo geral. Mais especificamente, a tardia criação do Ministério da Defesa demonstra a dificuldade de exercer o controle civil sobre os militares no país. Entretanto, a administração de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) representa um avanço em relação aos ministros anteriores ao exercer uma direção política civil com autoridade, que efetivamente contribuiu para melhorar o controle civil democrático. A Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008), a Lei Complementar nº 136 (2010) e o Livro Branco (2012) são documentos que sinalizam profundas alterações institucionais no Ministério. O objetivo do artigo é compreender o impacto dessas mudanças sobre as relações entre civis e militares, a partir do conceito de controle civil democrático, bem como contextualizar politicamente as razões para que tenham acontecido. No rastro da crise da aviação civil, constata-se que houve uma mudança na balança de poder interna ao Estado, que permitiu consolidar a autoridade civil no Ministério da Defesa, a partir da nomeação do Ministro Jobim, em 2007. A partir de um estudo de caso, conclui-se que uma combinação de fatores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional e apoio do Executivo) contribuiu para que essas alterações estruturais fossem levadas a cabo no órgão, as quais efetivamente criaram uma estrutura civil no Ministério. / In Brazil, the gradual democratic transition process has generated political institutions with authoritarian characteristics, such as a blurred distinction between internal and external security, as well as a low control under security activities in general. More specifically, the late creation of a Ministry of Defence shows how difficult is to control the military in this country. However, Nelson Jobim’s administration (2007-2011) is an advance comparing to the previous ones, having exerted an effective political authority that has improved democratic civilian control. The National Strategic Defence (2008), the Complimentary Law nº 136 (2010) and the White Book (2012) have contributed for important changes in the Ministry. The objective is to understand the impact of these changes on civil-military relations, based on the concept of democratic civilian control, as well as to identify the reasons behind them. After the civilian aviation crisis, there was a change in the internal State’s balance of power, which helped to consolidated the civilian authority in the Ministry of Defence after Nelson Jobim’s nomination in 2007. In conclusion, a number of factors (personal characteristics, national and international conjunctures and the Executive support) made possible these strucutural changes to happen, which effectivelly created a civilian strucuture in the Ministry. / En Brasil, el gradualismo del proceso de transición democrática generó características autoritárias en las instituciones políticas, las cuales están presentes hoy en día en la insuficiente diferenciación entre la seguridad interna y la seguridad exterior, así como en el bajo control de las actividades de seguridad en general. Es decir, la tardía creación del Ministerio de la Defensa demuenstra las dificultades de ejercer el control civil de los militares en el país. Sin embargo, la administración de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) es um avanzo en comparación con los ministerios anteriores, pues él ejerció una dirección política civil con autoridad que contribuyó de manera efectiva para mejorar el control civil democrático. La Estratégia Nacional de Defensa (2008), la Ley Complementar nº 136 (2010) y el Libro Blanco (2012) son documentos que contribuyeron para las alteraciones institucionales en el Ministerio. El objetivo del artículo es entender el impacto de esos cambios en las relaciones civiles militares, basado en el concepto de control civil democrático, así como contextualizar sus razones políticas. Después de la crisis de la aviación civil, un cambio se pasó en la balanza de poder interna del Estado, que permitió la consolidación de la autoridad civil en el Ministerio con la nominación de Nelson Jobim en 2007. A través de un estudo de caso, la conclusión es que una combinación de factores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional y apoyo del Ejecutivo) contribuyeron para que essas alteraciones estructurales ocurriera, las cuales efectivamente crearon una estrutura civil en el Ministério.

No Brasil, o gradualismo presente no processo de transição democrática implicou em um legado autoritário nas instituições políticas, explícito atualmente na insuficiente delimitação entre segurança interna e externa, além do baixo controle sobre as atividades de segurança de modo geral. Mais especificamente, a tardia criação do Ministério da Defesa demonstra a dificuldade de exercer o controle civil sobre os militares no país. Entretanto, a administração de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) representa um avanço em relação aos ministros anteriores ao exercer uma direção política civil com autoridade, que efetivamente contribuiu para melhorar o controle civil democrático. A Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008), a Lei Complementar nº 136 (2010) e o Livro Branco (2012) são documentos que sinalizam profundas alterações institucionais no Ministério. O objetivo do artigo é compreender o impacto dessas mudanças sobre as relações entre civis e militares, a partir do conceito de controle civil democrático, bem como contextualizar politicamente as razões para que tenham acontecido. No rastro da crise da aviação civil, constata-se que houve uma mudança na balança de poder interna ao Estado, que permitiu consolidar a autoridade civil no Ministério da Defesa, a partir da nomeação do Ministro Jobim, em 2007. A partir de um estudo de caso, conclui-se que uma combinação de fatores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional e apoio do Executivo) contribuiu para que essas alterações estruturais fossem levadas a cabo no órgão, as quais efetivamente criaram uma estrutura civil no Ministério. / In Brazil, the gradual democratic transition process has generated political institutions with authoritarian characteristics, such as a blurred distinction between internal and external security, as well as a low control under security activities in general. More specifically, the late creation of a Ministry of Defence shows how difficult is to control the military in this country. However, Nelson Jobim’s administration (2007-2011) is an advance comparing to the previous ones, having exerted an effective political authority that has improved democratic civilian control. The National Strategic Defence (2008), the Complimentary Law nº 136 (2010) and the White Book (2012) have contributed for important changes in the Ministry. The objective is to understand the impact of these changes on civil-military relations, based on the concept of democratic civilian control, as well as to identify the reasons behind them. After the civilian aviation crisis, there was a change in the internal State’s balance of power, which helped to consolidated the civilian authority in the Ministry of Defence after Nelson Jobim’s nomination in 2007. In conclusion, a number of factors (personal characteristics, national and international conjunctures and the Executive support) made possible these strucutural changes to happen, which effectivelly created a civilian strucuture in the Ministry. / En Brasil, el gradualismo del proceso de transición democrática generó características autoritárias en las instituciones políticas, las cuales están presentes hoy en día en la insuficiente diferenciación entre la seguridad interna y la seguridad exterior, así como en el bajo control de las actividades de seguridad en general. Es decir, la tardía creación del Ministerio de la Defensa demuenstra las dificultades de ejercer el control civil de los militares en el país. Sin embargo, la administración de Nelson Jobim (2007-2011) es um avanzo en comparación con los ministerios anteriores, pues él ejerció una dirección política civil con autoridad que contribuyó de manera efectiva para mejorar el control civil democrático. La Estratégia Nacional de Defensa (2008), la Ley Complementar nº 136 (2010) y el Libro Blanco (2012) son documentos que contribuyeron para las alteraciones institucionales en el Ministerio. El objetivo del artículo es entender el impacto de esos cambios en las relaciones civiles militares, basado en el concepto de control civil democrático, así como contextualizar sus razones políticas. Después de la crisis de la aviación civil, un cambio se pasó en la balanza de poder interna del Estado, que permitió la consolidación de la autoridad civil en el Ministerio con la nominación de Nelson Jobim en 2007. A través de un estudo de caso, la conclusión es que una combinación de factores (perfil ministerial, conjuntura política nacional e internacional y apoyo del Ejecutivo) contribuyeron para que essas alteraciones estructurales ocurriera, las cuales efectivamente crearon una estrutura civil en el Ministério.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Islam permeated throughout the military institutions of Malaysia, Pakistan and Indonesia and replaced the Western and foreign military cultures the military had inherited due to society becoming Islamized following the revival of Islam. The implementation of true Islamic model practices and values differ slightly from country to country depending first on the level of piousness of its existing military personnel, new personnel input and the military leadership. The second factor is the degree of motivational drive of the head of state in encouraging Islam. Islamized military institutions are also faced with the challenges created as a result of sects and schools that emerge in the form of Islamic parties and extremist groups. The argument will be that Islamic teachings in military affairs can result in peace, solidarity and solve the Civil-Military Relations (CMR) problems. In the final analysis, guided moderate Islamic influence' bring harmony to CMR in Malaysia, while the uncoordinated influence of Islam in the Indonesian military made the CMR problematic. It is different in Pakistan because the strong influence of Islam has encouraged the generals to wrest political power from civilians. / Lieutenant Colonel, Royal Malaysian Air Force