Em 1964, ao menos três IPMs foram instaurados em unidades da Universidade de São Paulo, com o objetivo de apurar atividades subversivas. O único deles a ter efeitos jurídicos no âmbito do Ato Institucional de 9 de abril de 1964 foi o IPM da Faculdade de Medicina, com base no qual o governador demitiu sete professores de vários departamentos (Erney Camargo, Luiz Hildebrando Pereira da Silva, Thomas Maack, Luiz Rey, Pedro Henrique Saldanha, Julio Pudles, Reynaldo Chiaverini). O trabalho pretende mostrar a contribuição da doutrina da Guerra Revolucionária, adotada pelos oficiais superiores das Forças Armadas, para a instauração de IPMs e seu papel no conflito de correntes internas a essas mesmas Forças Armadas, que se manifestou com intensidade nos primeiros meses do governo Castelo Branco. Em particular, o IPM da Medicina demonstra a convergência entre o impulso geral proveniente da doutrina da Guerra Revolucionária e interesses dos que detinham o poder de administrar a Universidade de São Paulo buscando evitar mudanças. / In 1964 at least three Military Police Investigations (IPM in the Portuguese language acronym) were launched in schools of the University of São Paulo, with the stated objective of assessing and curtailing subversive activities. Only one of these had juridical effects, derived from the Institutional Act of April 9, 1964, which was the IPM on the Medical School. Based on it, the State Governor fired seven professors from several departments (Erney Camargo, Luiz Hildebrando Pereira da Silva, Thomas Maack, Luiz Rey, Pedro Henrique Saldanha, Julio Pudles, Reynaldo Chiaverini). This work aims at demonstrating the contribution of the Revolutionary War doctrine, which was at the time adopted by the Brazilian military, for the conduction of the IPM investigation, as well as its role in internal dissensions existing in the Brazilian Armed Forces which manifested itself intensely during the first months of the Castelo Branco government. Particularly, the Medical School IPM can be seen as demonstrating convergence between the momentum given by the Revolutionary War doctrine to the investigation, and the special interests of those who had the power and authority to manage the University of São Paulo with the objective of precluding change.

The purpose of this essay is to investigate the democratic consolidation of Honduras, a country in Latin America. The aim is to look into the democratic consolidation after the military coup in 2009. The method that was applied to this essay was a case study, where the data is qualitative as the essay goes in to depth of Honduras situation. The main theory used to analyze the empirical data is Linz and Stepan’s five arenas; civil society, political society, rule of law, bureaucratic structure, and economic society. The basic stages of democracy and democratic consilidation are also used to get a broader perspective of the phenomenon.  The result of this essay shows the basis of Honduras democratic consilidation from 2009 and forward. In terms of the arenas this essay shows that none of the arenas prerequisite are meet. As a sign of the weak democracy in Honduras the essay identifies that the problems, which they had before the military coup, are still present.

Submitted by Vanessa Nunes (vnunes@unisinos.br) on 2015-03-21T14:06:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MarcosCeruttiEducacao.pdf: 1503624 bytes, checksum: 2293c89637cb67e742ecc58fda211004 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-21T14:06:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MarcosCeruttiEducacao.pdf: 1503624 bytes, checksum: 2293c89637cb67e742ecc58fda211004 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Nenhuma / A Comissão Especial de Investigação Sumária (CEIS), instalada na UFRGS logo após o golpe militar/64, tinha como objetivo investigar os atos subversivos de professores, funcionários e estudantes dentro da instituição. A presente pesquisa busca saber como tal acontecimento repercutiu na trajetória de vida de alguns estudantes envolvidos naquele contexto. Para tal, utiliza a metodologia da história oral, por meio de cinco entrevistas, além de análise documental (atas, transcrições de depoimentos, fichas de informações, ofícios) e matérias do jornal Correio do Povo no ano de 1964. A pesquisa refere a sociedade da época, destacando o clima de efervescência política e social, o movimento estudantil no Rio Grande do Sul na década de 1960 e conclui com considerações acerca do processo de pesquisa que lida com memória e com algumas constatações em torno da repressão institucionalizada na UFRGS, como a reação dos professores, funcionários e, principalmente, dos estudantes diante da instalação e dos trabalhos da CEIS. / The Special Commission of Summary Investigation (SCSI) placed at UFRGS soon after the military coup/64, had the aim of investigating the subversive acts of the teachers, employees and students inside the institution. This research looks for knowing how that happening reverberated along the life trajectory of some students involved in that context. For that, it uses the oral history methodology, through five interviews, beyond document analysis (records, testimonies transcriptions, information lists, and letters) and Correio do Povo newspaper articles from 1964. The research refers to the society of that time, highlighting the political and social effervescence environment, the student movement in Rio Grande do Sul in the decade of 1960 and it concludes based on consideration concerning the research process, which deals with memory and with some findings about the institutionalized repression at UFRGS, as the reaction of the teachers, employees a nd, mainly, the students in front of the installation and the works of SCSI.

A thesis presented on the political history of Fiji from cession to Britain in 1874 compares and analyses the country’s four political coups. A military coup occurred in 1987 by Lt. Col Sitiveni Rabuka. Six months later he staged a self-coup. In 2000 George Speight staged an armed civilian coup or putsch, and in 2006 Commodore Frank Bainimarama, head of Fiji’s military forces, overthrew the government of Laisenia Qarase. This paper is an internal comparison of the four coups of which the aim is to examine why coups occur in Fiji. The conclusion is that the level of influence of the country’s traditional paramount chiefs is a strong causal factor in events leading to the political overthrows. Issues such as ethnicity, constitutionalism, democracy, traditionalism, and modernity make the study of the Fiji coups complex. All of the major actors involved have been present or have been somehow linked to each coup. Questions of leadership arise as do issues regarding pluralism and multiculturalism. These issues are discussed in this paper. The end result is that if the question of traditional leadership is not addressed within a democratic framework then Fiji will continue to have coups.

This thesis looks at the causes behind Fiji’s 5 December 2006 coup. It takes a twofold approach, first looking at the background causes which illustrate that Fiji was vulnerable to a further coup after the 2000 coup. The study then moves on to an analysis of the triggering causes. This analyses both the motive; consisting of threats to the military’s interests and failures of the government, and the opportunity, consisting of a deflation in the government’s legitimacy and military cohesion. To test these factors a cross-time comparison of the five instances of high tension between the Fijian military and Government is presented in an effort to identify how the coup differed from those disputes that preceded it. These periods of tension are: the 2004 reappointment of Bainimarama; the Unity Bill dispute; the January 2006 coup threat; the 2006 election; and the December 2006 Coup. From this analysis it was found that threats to the military’s interests were key in generating the motive for intervention, but that governmental failures were not a significant factor; while they motivated the military to be a vocal actor, they did not garner the motive for intervention. The opportunity was only found to occur when there was both a deflation in the Government’s legitimacy and strong military cohesion. For Fiji’s 2006 coup the motivating factors were the threats to the military’s interests, from the scheduled Supreme Court ruling on the role of the military, the rivalry with the fully-armed Tactical Response Unit of the Police, and crucially the pending criminal charges against Bainimarama. This coincided with the opportunity for intervention from a drop in the Government’s legitimacy as a result of a crisis in the multi-party Cabinet and the Government’s growing ethnic bias, along with strong cohesion in the military.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / De abril de 1921 a julho de 1922, o Correio da Manhã empreendeu uma campanha cujo objetivo principal era impedir a chegada de Arthur Bernardes à presidência da República. Através da análise do discurso observamos que esta campanha obedeceu a uma estratégia e táticas bem definidas que, em linhas gerais, procuraram demonstrar que Arthur Bernardes era impopular, corrupto, e inimigo do exército, o que, segundo o jornal, justificaria a execução de um golpe militar para impedir a sua chegada ao poder e salvar o País.

Submitted by Mariana Matheus Pereira da Silva (mari_mrn@hotmail.com) on 2018-03-26T23:49:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação versão final Mariana Oliveira.pdf: 1059879 bytes, checksum: 000cf3e3a550b221cf8e2a55edf1c3e6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Laura Akie Saito Inafuko (linafuko@assis.unesp.br) on 2018-03-27T12:04:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_mmp_me_assis.pdf: 1059879 bytes, checksum: 000cf3e3a550b221cf8e2a55edf1c3e6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-27T12:04:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_mmp_me_assis.pdf: 1059879 bytes, checksum: 000cf3e3a550b221cf8e2a55edf1c3e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A presente dissertação tem como intuito apresentar uma análise da configuração do narrador do romance Antonio (2007), de Beatriz Bracher. A estrutura narrativa do romance é formada de um conjunto de relatos, em que três narradores alternam suas versões, estabelecendo um jogo de diferentes perspectivas sobre o mesmo conflito familiar. Benjamim conduz a trama narrativa a fim de conhecer a sua identidade, mas diante da ausência de pistas materiais pauta-se nos relatos de três narradores suspeitos, cabendo a ele e também ao leitor avaliar a veracidade das versões sobre a sua história familiar vinculada às transformações sócio-históricas do Brasil. O romance é, assim, a história da derrocada de uma família paulistana de classe média/alta de origem burguesa atrelada ao período de efervescente modernização dos anos de 1950, perpassando pelos desdobramentos do golpe militar e o processo de redemocratização. Em vista desses elementos, o propósito é apreender como os narradores arquitetam suas versões para retratar diluição familiar, bem como apontar os conflitos sócio-históricos determinantes que culminaram na ditadura militar. / The present dissertation is intended to present an analysis of the configuration of the narrator of the novel Antonio (2007), by Beatriz Bracher. The narrative structure of the novel is formed from a set of stories, in which three narrators alternate their versions, setting up a game of different perspectives about the same family conflict. Benjamin conducts the narrative plot to know his identity, but in the absence of material clues regulate himself on the reports of three suspect narrators, befitting to him and also to the reader to evaluate the veracity of the versions about his family history linked to the socio-historical transformations of Brazil. The novel is, thus, the story of the collapse of a upper middle class family of bourgeois origin attached to the period of effervescent modernization of the 1950s, passing by the unfolding of the military coup and the process of redemocratization. In view of these elements, the purpose is to understand how the narrators plan their versions to describe family dilution, as well as to indicate the determinants socio-historical conflicts that culminated in the military dictatorship.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / De abril de 1921 a julho de 1922, o Correio da Manhã empreendeu uma campanha cujo objetivo principal era impedir a chegada de Arthur Bernardes à presidência da República. Através da análise do discurso observamos que esta campanha obedeceu a uma estratégia e táticas bem definidas que, em linhas gerais, procuraram demonstrar que Arthur Bernardes era impopular, corrupto, e inimigo do exército, o que, segundo o jornal, justificaria a execução de um golpe militar para impedir a sua chegada ao poder e salvar o País.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre_Gustavo_Ubinski.pdf: 2242753 bytes, checksum: 2ffe374d09a52a77a194566c6dc18500 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This article is a research result conducted from the newspaper Folha de São Paulo during the two first years of the Brazilian military dictatorship. The time frame aims to give visibility to the first years of the military government and the speech built by the newspaper caricature .. The newspaper Folha de São Paulo arose from the junction of three smaller titles. Therefore, the publication got a single way and the Folha became one of the greatest representatives of the national press. From the foundation of the company in 1921, several changes took place, and the caricatures as text opinion to address policy have always been used abundantly. Therefore, the importance of this type of graphic had in this journal was perceived, and it is also noticeable the construction of a discourse from these prints. Thus, based on the analysis of this art, from the Nelson Mattos Coletti and Orlando‟s drawings, the intention was to analyze the discourse of the newspaper on the national political life. The military coup that overthrew President João Goulart has brought significant changes in the political life of the country, besides being marked by a history of violence against human rights and freedom restrictions. Therefore, the participation of the Folha de São Paulo while forming public opinion has a great importance in the impressions that the press tried to pass to its readership. Thus understanding the importance of the caricature during the period of dictatorship as politically engaged discursive practice, brings this research out. The year 1964 was marked by coups and adjustments by the Constitution and the military government, the search for the organization of the country was the subject of the caricatures found in the newspaper Folha de São Paulo. The construction of the speeches that aimed at discovering ideals enemies as communists and corrupt issues were very present in the caricatures, as well as the action of the military government, shown in the Figure of Castelo Branco, as a reformer and savior of the country attended the caricatures analyzed. In 1965 the understanding of conflicts within the power and the cracks involving the coup government's has already made the Fake Democracy character appear, building an ambiguous discourse on government practices and conflicts of interest within the military government / A presente dissertação é resultado de pesquisa realizada a partir do jornal Folha de São Paulo durante os dois primeiros anos da ditadura militar brasileira. O recorte temporal busca dar visibilidade aos primeiros anos do governo militar e os discursos que o jornal construiu através da charge. A partir da criação da empresa, em 1921, várias modificações ocorreram, mas as charges como texto de opinião para tratar de política sempre foram utilizadas de maneira abundante. Até a década de 1960 a empresa Folha, era constituída por três periódicos, a Folha da Manhã, Folha da Tarde e Folha da Noite, que nesse mesmo ano foram unificados e deram origem ao jornal Folha de São Paulo. Diante disso, a publicação passou a ganhar um corpo único e a Folha tornou-se um dos grandes representantes da imprensa nacional. Portanto, tendo como base a análise de charges, a partir dos desenhos dos chargistas Nelson Coletti e Orlando Mattos, a intenção consistiu em problematizar os discursos presentes no periódico sobre a vida política nacional. O Golpe Militar que depôs o presidente João Goulart acarretou significativas mudanças na vida política do país, além de estar marcado por uma trajetória de violência contra os direitos humanos e restrições à liberdade. Diante disso, a participação da Folha de São Paulo enquanto formadora de opinião pública tem grande peso nas impressões que a imprensa procurou passar para seu público leitor. O ano de 1964 foi marcado pelo Golpe e pelos ajustes a Constituição e ao governo militar, a busca pela organização do país foi tema das charges encontradas no jornal Folha de São Paulo. A construção de discursos que visavam descobrir inimigos ideais como os comunistas e os corruptos foram temáticas muito presentes nas charges, bem como a ação do governo militar, apresentado na figura do general presidente Castelo Branco, como reformador e salvador do país. Já no ano de 1965 a compreensão de conflitos dentro do poder e as fissuras que envolviam o governo golpista fizeram aparecer a personagem da Falsa Democracia, construindo um discurso ambíguo sobre as práticas governamentais e os conflitos de interesses dentro do governo militar

Em 1964, ao menos três IPMs foram instaurados em unidades da Universidade de São Paulo, com o objetivo de apurar atividades subversivas. O único deles a ter efeitos jurídicos no âmbito do Ato Institucional de 9 de abril de 1964 foi o IPM da Faculdade de Medicina, com base no qual o governador demitiu sete professores de vários departamentos (Erney Camargo, Luiz Hildebrando Pereira da Silva, Thomas Maack, Luiz Rey, Pedro Henrique Saldanha, Julio Pudles, Reynaldo Chiaverini). O trabalho pretende mostrar a contribuição da doutrina da Guerra Revolucionária, adotada pelos oficiais superiores das Forças Armadas, para a instauração de IPMs e seu papel no conflito de correntes internas a essas mesmas Forças Armadas, que se manifestou com intensidade nos primeiros meses do governo Castelo Branco. Em particular, o IPM da Medicina demonstra a convergência entre o impulso geral proveniente da doutrina da Guerra Revolucionária e interesses dos que detinham o poder de administrar a Universidade de São Paulo buscando evitar mudanças. / In 1964 at least three Military Police Investigations (IPM in the Portuguese language acronym) were launched in schools of the University of São Paulo, with the stated objective of assessing and curtailing subversive activities. Only one of these had juridical effects, derived from the Institutional Act of April 9, 1964, which was the IPM on the Medical School. Based on it, the State Governor fired seven professors from several departments (Erney Camargo, Luiz Hildebrando Pereira da Silva, Thomas Maack, Luiz Rey, Pedro Henrique Saldanha, Julio Pudles, Reynaldo Chiaverini). This work aims at demonstrating the contribution of the Revolutionary War doctrine, which was at the time adopted by the Brazilian military, for the conduction of the IPM investigation, as well as its role in internal dissensions existing in the Brazilian Armed Forces which manifested itself intensely during the first months of the Castelo Branco government. Particularly, the Medical School IPM can be seen as demonstrating convergence between the momentum given by the Revolutionary War doctrine to the investigation, and the special interests of those who had the power and authority to manage the University of São Paulo with the objective of precluding change.