The aim of this thesis is to explain the typology of civilian control in Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era and to explain the correlation between that particular type of civilian control and the perception of China threat among civilian groups. The establishment of civilian control in most cases is seen as either a result or a consequence of democratization process or the transformation from authoritarian to democratic society. The assessment on the case of Taiwan is no different. In this logic of thinking, the establishment of a democratic or objective civilian control is considered as the main goal. An objective civilian control, according to Huntington, has several prerequisites such as military disengagement from politics, full military submission to civilian authority, and, most importantly, the establishment of professional military. Critics to Huntington ideals usually revolve around the necessity to have a clear disengagement of the military from politics. Drawing from Huntington and his critics, I propose three indicators to categorize civilian control into objective and subjective. Those are the military autonomy, which is a direct result of the existence of a clear set of boundaries between military and civilian areas or roles, the existence or inexistence of intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence or inexistence of interpenetration. Using those indicators, my assessment on Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era finds out that the military autonomy did exist with the adoption of the twin defense laws, the existence of an acute intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence of civilian penetration into military area. This civilian penetration itself was a result of an overt-concentration of roles into civilian hands, which leaving the military in a very limited role and powerless position, and the intra-civilian rivalry which drove both Chen’s government and pan-blue opposition to use military issues as bargaining chip to strengthen their political position. In conclusion, instead of having an objective civilian control, Taiwan under Chen Shui-bian was suffering from a subjective civilian control. To answer the question of why such an opposite result appeared, from what is supposed to be the result of the democratization process, I argue that the divergent of perception on China threat among civilian is among the factors that explain such a contradiction. Most assessment on the issue of civilian control in Taiwan is focusing on the identity politics as the explaining factor. In this thesis, I argue that the identity politics is necessary but not sufficient to explain the contradictory result. The divergent perception on China threat among civilian serves as the foundation to explain the political behavior of political parties in Taiwan. Due to this differing perception, political parties could not find a congruent understanding of external threat that makes any defense related issue became a political issue. / The aim of this thesis is to explain the typology of civilian control in Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era and to explain the correlation between that particular type of civilian control and the perception of China threat among civilian groups. The establishment of civilian control in most cases is seen as either a result or a consequence of democratization process or the transformation from authoritarian to democratic society. The assessment on the case of Taiwan is no different. In this logic of thinking, the establishment of a democratic or objective civilian control is considered as the main goal. An objective civilian control, according to Huntington, has several prerequisites such as military disengagement from politics, full military submission to civilian authority, and, most importantly, the establishment of professional military. Critics to Huntington ideals usually revolve around the necessity to have a clear disengagement of the military from politics. Drawing from Huntington and his critics, I propose three indicators to categorize civilian control into objective and subjective. Those are the military autonomy, which is a direct result of the existence of a clear set of boundaries between military and civilian areas or roles, the existence or inexistence of intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence or inexistence of interpenetration. Using those indicators, my assessment on Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era finds out that the military autonomy did exist with the adoption of the twin defense laws, the existence of an acute intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence of civilian penetration into military area. This civilian penetration itself was a result of an overt-concentration of roles into civilian hands, which leaving the military in a very limited role and powerless position, and the intra-civilian rivalry which drove both Chen’s government and pan-blue opposition to use military issues as bargaining chip to strengthen their political position. In conclusion, instead of having an objective civilian control, Taiwan under Chen Shui-bian was suffering from a subjective civilian control. To answer the question of why such an opposite result appeared, from what is supposed to be the result of the democratization process, I argue that the divergent of perception on China threat among civilian is among the factors that explain such a contradiction. Most assessment on the issue of civilian control in Taiwan is focusing on the identity politics as the explaining factor. In this thesis, I argue that the identity politics is necessary but not sufficient to explain the contradictory result. The divergent perception on China threat among civilian serves as the foundation to explain the political behavior of political parties in Taiwan. Due to this differing perception, political parties could not find a congruent understanding of external threat that makes any defense related issue became a political issue.

本研究主要目的有二：一是探討陳水扁支持者（扁迷）對阿扁之情感與認同，二是檢討傳統迷文化理論和Laclau與Mouffe論述理論在分析扁迷現象時的可能缺失，並提出一個新的整合性理論架構。以深度訪談作為方法、傳統迷文化理論作為背景理論，本研究發現扁迷們透過身體實踐，表達自己對阿扁本人與其背後符號意義的支持；這些意義包括台灣國族意識、公平正義、偶像特質與青年認同。除上述意義之外，「為了自己」、「為了社群」是扁迷支持阿扁更核心的驅力；前者顯現在扁迷的各種認同與防衛機制上，後者則展現在其政治理念成形時的親身傳播中。然而，傳統迷文化理論卻無法解釋阿扁符號意義與扁迷情感／認同的變遷過程，Laclau與Mouffe的空符徵架構雖然得以適切說明意義與認同改變時遭遇的符號與自我分裂，但亦無法真正指出符號變遷時的關鍵因子。本研究認為，唯有整合此二理論、強調符號論述的開放性與主體之能動性，並體認符號文本、個體與社群三者缺一不可的緊密相關性，才能真正完整地說明、解釋此一政治迷（扁迷）現象。同時考量上述條件，我們將獲得一個新的、三重三元性（3 x 3）的整合式理論架構；而任何得以此架構解釋分析之個體行為，我們稱之為「道德實踐」。這不僅強調個體進行道德抉擇的能動性，亦強調其背後以各種符號秩序中介的社群規範。扁迷作為一種道德實踐，並不在正當化扁迷所認同之價值體系為一普遍性道德「內容」，而在說明扁迷，在本質上，即為一種道德實踐「形式」。 / Two aims the present research has. The first is to investigate the feelings and identifications of President Chen Shui-Bian’s (A-Bian) supporters (Bian’s fans). The second is to discuss the suitability of applying traditional fan culture theory and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory in explaining this political-cult phenomenon, and to propose a novel, integrated one. Using in-depth interview as research method and fan culture theory as base, the present research suggests that through body practices, Bian’s fans actualize their support toward A-Bian and various symbolic meanings behind him. These symbolic meanings include Taiwan nationalism, justice, idol characteristics and youth identifications. Besides these meanings, ‘for self’ and ‘for the community’ are more the core motives of supporting A-Bian. The former could be observed in the identifications and defense mechanisms of Bian’s fans, while the latter is concluded both from the importance of interpersonal communication, and from the role of communities in the political-ideas modeling of Bian’s fans. As for the theoretical discussion, traditional fan culture theory fails to explain the conversion of A-Bian symbols and that of Bian’s fans’ identifications. Although Laclau and Mouffe’s idea of empty signifier can properly illustrate the symbolic and self divisions in those conversions, it still fails to designate the key element triggering this process. The present research suggests that only combining these two theories (that is, stressing not only on the openness of structures as Laclau’s discourse theory does, but also on the agency of subjects like fan culture theory does), and recognizing the intimate connection among symbols, subjects and communities, can we thoroughly and really understand this political-cults phenomenon. Considering the principles above, we shall eventually infer a new, integrated, triple-triplets (3 x 3) theory. Every action explainable by this frame could be termed as ‘moral practice’ not only for stressing on the agency in subject’s moral decision making, but also for emphasizing the significant role of social norms behind it. Regarding being Bian’s fans as a moral practice is not justifying the values they hold to any universal ethic contents, but illustrating that being Bian’s fans is essentially a form of moral practicing.

相較過去冷戰時期的輝煌，台灣現今的國際地位黯然失色許多。自從台灣退出聯合國，與美國斷交後，台灣 (中華民國)的外交地位已漸漸在政治上被孤立。當戒嚴末期，台灣迫切地想重返過去的外交榮景。然而，面對中華人民共和國的威脅時，台灣在國際社會上極為艱困地維繫自己的主權。台灣的領導人透過積極參與國際組織與互動，尤其是聯合國與美國對台軍售，來打破如此艱困的外交處境。 在三屆的總統任期中，台灣對聯合國與對美軍售策略已漸漸形成雛形。在初步研究下，美國對台軍售有可能對台灣加入聯合國政策出現影響。換言之，購得有力的武器，台灣加入聯合國的策略就越顯積極。 回顧美國與台灣政府的文獻資料，台灣領導人訪談紀錄，報章雜誌和其他官方文件與紀錄，此研究旨在檢視在三位總統(李登輝、陳水扁、馬英九)任期內 (1990 到 2014年)，美國同意對台軍售與台灣加入聯合國的策略。研究結果指出美國對台軍售的武器打擊能力與台灣加入聯合國政策相關的可能性。 / Taiwan’s present international status has degraded considerably since its former glory days during the Cold War era. With its ejection out of the United Nations (UN) and a diplomatic severance with its most vital ally, the United States, Taiwan (ROC) has slowly slipped into political limbo. The island has frantically strived to pull itself back into the world community since the end of martial law. However, it has struggled to maintain its sovereignty and international status in the face of constant threat from the PRC (People’s Republic of China) . Taiwan’s leaders have sought alternative strategies to combat such adverse diplomatic conditions through increasing its membership or participation in various global organizations—particularly the United Nations, and continued arms purchases from the US. Within the span of three presidencies, there appears to be a pattern between Taiwan’s UN strategies and US approved arms sales. Upon initial research, US weapons sales appear to have an effect on UN policy. That is, the more significant the arms sale, the more aggressive Taiwan’s methods for UN participation becomes. Drawing from US and Taiwanese government records, Taiwanese presidential interviews, newspaper articles and other official documents and transcripts, this dissertation aims to examine US approved arms sales and UN strategies under three Taiwanese presidents: Lee Teng Hui, Chen Shui-Bian and Ma Ying Jeou from 1990 to 2014. The findings indicate a possible indirect correlation. Considering the weapons’ strategic capability, Taiwan’s UN strategy fluctuates accordingly.

本文的目的是了解和分析台灣與中美洲貿易、經濟和政治方面的關係，並將它們與不斷增長的中國的存在和影響力的地理區域比較。它也試圖對總統陳水扁和馬英九所追求的走向盟國外交作一個比較。 / This thesis aims to understand and analyze trade, economic and political aspects of the Taiwanese relationship with Central America, and compare them with the growing Chinese presence and influence in that geographic area. It also attempts to make a comparison between the diplomacy toward allied countries pursued by presidents Chen Shui-bian and Ma Ying-jeou. Taiwan has had to cope with China’s rise, a major geopolitical event of the twenty-first century. The expansion of the Chinese economy is reflected in an increased trade exchange with Latin America. Central America has not been an exception. The PRC has become a major trade partner for several Central American economies, surpassing commerce ties between them and Taiwan. This paper also states that the so-called “diplomatic truce” called for by President Ma has been working so far, as Beijing has not tried to “steal” more Taiwanese allies since 2008, and the ROC has not tried to lure new friends to its camp.

台灣和美國的關係自冷戰以來即維持密切的互動，從1950年代中期的反共軍事同盟至冷戰結束後台灣的民主化，台灣不論在政治、社會、經濟乃至國家安全的發展變遷上，都深受美國的影響。雖然台灣與美國於1979年經歷斷交的陰影，但台灣與美國至今仍保有相當友好的關係。 目前學界對台美關係的觀察多由主流國際關係理論的觀點為途徑，例如由新現實主義及新自由主義，僅探討台美關係在亞太地區軍事戰略的物質結構，缺乏對身分認同及戰略利益的連結關係，因此在解釋台美關係動態變化時，有其無法涵蓋之處。為彌補新現實主義及新自由主義解釋台美關係的缺失，本文由國際關係中社會建構主義的觀點出發，以民進黨陳水扁政府執政時期同時具備外交、兩岸與塑造台灣主體意識效果的兩次總統大選公民投票政策為例，詮釋台灣與美國如何透過身分認同及因身分所衍生的戰略利益兩項主要變數，進而影響雙方的政策產出與關係變動，作為對現有台美關係研究途徑的補充。 由國際關係理論中社會建構理論的奠基者溫特的身分概念，分析台美關係，其中具有可以合作協調的部分，亦有美國因霸權角色身分所衍生的戰略利益與一中政策，是台灣在爭取美國支持我國主權國家地位時，最艱鉅的挑戰。陳水扁執政時期，台美在台灣兩次總統大選公民投票議題所形成的戰略利益分歧，即是由台美雙方參照國際政治體系的角色身分所衍生的戰略利益不協調所導致。 / Taiwan and the United States have maintained close interaction and relationship since the Cold War era. The cooperation between the U.S. and Taiwan from the mid-1950s to now, Taiwan was deeply influenced by the U.S. in many aspects, including political, social, economic, democratization and even national security. Although the diplomatic relation between the U.S. and Taiwan was terminated in 1979, but they still maintain strong bilateral ties. The popular approaches in academic area for the analysis concerning Taiwan-U.S. bilateral relationship depend on the mainstream international relations theories, including Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism. These two theories emphasize on power structure and material interest, but ignore the causality of identity and strategic interest of states. This thesis takes the perspective of Identity in Social Constructivism as a complementary approach in order to interpret the dynamic changes and identity factors in Taiwan-U.S. relations. The research takes the twice national referendums held together with presidential election in 2004 and 2008 during the Chen Shui-bian Administration period as case studies. Chen’s referendum policies presented the effects of Taiwanese national identity and the strategy of foreign and Cross-Strait policies, those effects can help us interpret the identity and strategic interest variables in Taiwan –U.S. relationship. When using the conception of identity from the social constructivism to observe Taiwan-U.S. relations, we can figure that cooperation and coordination persist in some issue areas, but we also can find there are some divergences of strategic interests between U.S. and Taiwan driven by the role identity factors. The hegemonic role identity of the United States drive the insistence on the “One China policy” as her national interest, it is the most difficult part for Taiwan to seek the U.S.’s support for Taiwan’s sovereignty. The strategic divergence between the U.S. and Taiwan in Taiwan’s sovereignty and the referendum policies caused by the differences of their strategic interest come from the role identities.