This paper addresses the issue of why Turkey has failed to develop and consolidate democracy in the regime. The aim of this paper was to analyze Turkey’s movement towards an authoritarian regime by examining institutions, the military, civil society and other contextual factors from 2004 to 2016. The method that was applied to this study was a case study were theories about democracy and transition were used to analyze Turkey’s declining development of democracy. The results show that several cases of corruption and the lack of political neutrality within important institutions have had a negative impact on the regime. The military’s influence on the political power has decreased although the military still has a significant role within the regime. The right to express your word of opinion by taking part in demonstrations is strictly constrained due to reforms by the government. Conflicts between the PKK movement and the Turkish government has contributed to the unstable political situation in the country. One can draw the conclusion that all of these factors have had an impact on Turkey’s development towards an authoritarian regime, but unprecedented behavior within the institutions, an authoritarian leadership by the president and increasing religious influence have had the greatest impact on Turkey’s way towards an undemocratic governance.

The purpose of this paper has been to describe the change of governance in Turkey from 2005 until 2018. The method that has been applied is a comparative study as well as a case study where a theory of democracy was used to describe and compare the changes of governance in Turkey between 2005 and 2018. Robert Dahls theory of democracy was used for this paper to determine the change in governance between the relevant years. The analysis of each institution for each year was than compared to finally determine any change in governance. The study showed that the governance of Turkey has taken further backsliding steps of democracy compared to the situation in 2005. The changes consist of a centralization and increase of power within the presidency and further limitations within some rights and freedoms. The possibility for citizens to engage in politics in different ways, to express the opinions whether good or bad, to search for alternative information and to have the right to vote in free and fair elections have all worsened in 2018 compared to 2005.

This essay aims to answer how domestic politics and events have affected the democratic development in Turkey from 2005 until 2015. Two questions are being discussed and answered; how has the democratic development in Turkey between 2005 and 2015 played out, and; which internal factors have contributed to the democratic development direction. The study is a theory consuming case study with both an explanatory and descriptive approach. The theoretical framework is built upon theories regarding democratization, regime types challenges of democratic consolidation are collected from well-established scientists. This framework is used on the empirical material of the study to bring forward answers to the research questions. The results of the study show that after some positive democratic around 2005, the democratic development has taken an anti-democratic turn after 2011. What could be described as an electoral democracy with liberal democratic tendencies in 2005 is 2015 better described as a hybrid regime, with authoritarian tendencies.

This thesis aims to study obstacles which Turkey faces regarding EU accession. The main focus will be at the historical context and background information to clarify Turkey-EU relationship and institutional aspects such as; the Copenhagen criteria will be analyzed. Interaction between identity politics and Turkeys Europeanization project will be examined by analyzing arguments regarding this issue. The historical context is important for realizing in how Turkey's negotiation process is affected and how the process is evolved. By examining this, a more transparent understanding is going to develop in the issue of why Turkey never will be able to identify itself with the EU. Analysis regarding why Turkey as a secular state develops into an increasingly Islamized state is highlighted. Answers must be given to whether Turkey can be interpreted as a "bridge" between East and West and where we can place Turkey in the spatial context.In relation to this process, it`s important to notice that changes in Turkey from the Euro-friendly attitude it once had has gradually turned to the more Euro-skeptic position. One of the several reasons to Euro-skepticism may be the ongoing economic growth. This, as many other factors contribute to the self-confidence, which in turn affects internal arguments about a new era of the so-called neo-ottomanization. By presenting arguments related to the process, it will be made clear how Turkey increasingly clarifies its position within the civilizations. The thesis will present that there is a trend towards Islamization which the AKP government gives impetus for. The intention is to see if the era with the AKP government will push Turkey to democracy or even more of an Islamization. This paper will point out the actual intentions of AKP and its politicians. It will clarify their ideas about a possible EU membership, Europeanization and integration. This process will be illustrated by using Samuel Huntington’s theoretical perspective by the "Clashes of civilizations" as inspiration throughout the thesis. In the part of empirical analysis, debates and arguments is cited and examined, with a critical idea analysis and also structured with argumentation analysis.

Neo-Ottomanism in Turkish Foreign Policy and Changes during the Erdoğan era Author: Vladimír Hurych Abstract In November 2002, the new emerging Justice and Development Party (AKP) experienced a landmark electoral victory that significantly rewrote the prevailing domestic and foreign policy identity. The Islam-based AKP and its leaders Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Abdullah Gül and Ahmet Davutoğlu initiated a massive transformation of the Turkish society imposing economic market-oriented reforms and emphasizing the role of democratic institutions and the potential EU membership. AKP establishment also adopted a new foreign policy identity - the neo-Ottomanism. The concept has a background in 1990's strategy of former President Turgut Özal who emphasized the historical, cultural and religious heritage of the Ottoman Empire. Based on domestic changing identity, AKP's neo-Ottomanism served as an ideological tool how to transform its foreign policy identity with using the Islamic narrative and soft power tools. The thesis analyses how the new establishment of 2000's redefined the role of Turkey regarding its geopolitical position in the Middle East. Turkey has been emphasizing its strategic role as a regional power on the crossroads of many cultures and geopolitical interests. The question is how and whether the AKP...

Turkey is one of the most powerful and influential nations in the Middle East with many important alliances, but what is the status of the democracy in the country? This thesis aims to explain the challenges towards a consolidation process in Turkey. A case study is used as a methodology and the research question is analysed with the help of the theoretical framework from Juan Linz and Alfred Stepans with their five consolidation arenas. The analysis examines the civil society, political society, economic society, rule of law and state bureacracy in Turkey. These five arenas indicates to which extent the consolidation difficulties exists. The results shows that many internal factors, with civil liberties in danger, has complicated the democratic consolidation. The country’s history with several military coups and ongoing battles with the kurdish guerilla PKK has also kept back the democracy.

O artigo em questão trata da evolução das relações civis-militares na Turquia e de sua estreita vinculação com a política externa do país. A partir de uma análise sobre o desenvolvimento do kemalismo na Turquia, demonstramos como as Forças Armadas conseguiram institucionalizar suas prerrogativas, de forma a ter grande relevância para a formulação da política externa turca. Ao longo da Guerra Fria, então, o papel jogado pelos militares fez com que Ancara se mantivesse alinhado ao Ocidente, com receio da ascensão de movimentos contrários, como o marxismo, o islamismo e o curdismo. No entanto, a partir de 1999, observamos o processo contrário, com o afastamento das Forças Armadas dos centros de decisão da política turca. Esse fenômeno foi acentuado a partir de 2002, com a emergência do AKP, que levou os setores religiosos ao governo e intensificou o declínio dos militares enquanto agentes políticos. Em termos diplomáticos, verificou-se uma transformação significativa da política externa da Turquia, que abandonou a matriz de aliança com o Ocidente em favor de uma estratégia mais regionalista e assertiva. / This article deals with the evolution of civil-military relations in Turkey, and with its strict link with its foreign policy. With that spirit, we analyzed the development of Kemalism in Turkey and we showed how the Turkish Armed Forces managed to institutionalize their prerogatives, so they could play a paramount role to the formulation of Turkish foreign policy. During the Cold War, therefore, it meant the Ankara has always been a close ally to the West, especially because Army feared the rise of antagonist political movements such as Marxism, Islamism and Kurdism. However, from 1999, we can observe the exact opposite phenomenon, because the Turkish Armed Forces have been ostracized when it comes to the Turkish political process. This fact was deeply intensified since 2002, when the AKP won the general elections. The AKP victory brought some religious segments to the core of the government and that deepen the military decline as political actors. Diplomatically, we remarked a significant shift in Turkish foreign policy, once Turkey abandoned its unquestionable alliance with the West in favor of a more assertive and regionalist strategy.

O artigo em questão trata da evolução das relações civis-militares na Turquia e de sua estreita vinculação com a política externa do país. A partir de uma análise sobre o desenvolvimento do kemalismo na Turquia, demonstramos como as Forças Armadas conseguiram institucionalizar suas prerrogativas, de forma a ter grande relevância para a formulação da política externa turca. Ao longo da Guerra Fria, então, o papel jogado pelos militares fez com que Ancara se mantivesse alinhado ao Ocidente, com receio da ascensão de movimentos contrários, como o marxismo, o islamismo e o curdismo. No entanto, a partir de 1999, observamos o processo contrário, com o afastamento das Forças Armadas dos centros de decisão da política turca. Esse fenômeno foi acentuado a partir de 2002, com a emergência do AKP, que levou os setores religiosos ao governo e intensificou o declínio dos militares enquanto agentes políticos. Em termos diplomáticos, verificou-se uma transformação significativa da política externa da Turquia, que abandonou a matriz de aliança com o Ocidente em favor de uma estratégia mais regionalista e assertiva. / This article deals with the evolution of civil-military relations in Turkey, and with its strict link with its foreign policy. With that spirit, we analyzed the development of Kemalism in Turkey and we showed how the Turkish Armed Forces managed to institutionalize their prerogatives, so they could play a paramount role to the formulation of Turkish foreign policy. During the Cold War, therefore, it meant the Ankara has always been a close ally to the West, especially because Army feared the rise of antagonist political movements such as Marxism, Islamism and Kurdism. However, from 1999, we can observe the exact opposite phenomenon, because the Turkish Armed Forces have been ostracized when it comes to the Turkish political process. This fact was deeply intensified since 2002, when the AKP won the general elections. The AKP victory brought some religious segments to the core of the government and that deepen the military decline as political actors. Diplomatically, we remarked a significant shift in Turkish foreign policy, once Turkey abandoned its unquestionable alliance with the West in favor of a more assertive and regionalist strategy.

O artigo em questão trata da evolução das relações civis-militares na Turquia e de sua estreita vinculação com a política externa do país. A partir de uma análise sobre o desenvolvimento do kemalismo na Turquia, demonstramos como as Forças Armadas conseguiram institucionalizar suas prerrogativas, de forma a ter grande relevância para a formulação da política externa turca. Ao longo da Guerra Fria, então, o papel jogado pelos militares fez com que Ancara se mantivesse alinhado ao Ocidente, com receio da ascensão de movimentos contrários, como o marxismo, o islamismo e o curdismo. No entanto, a partir de 1999, observamos o processo contrário, com o afastamento das Forças Armadas dos centros de decisão da política turca. Esse fenômeno foi acentuado a partir de 2002, com a emergência do AKP, que levou os setores religiosos ao governo e intensificou o declínio dos militares enquanto agentes políticos. Em termos diplomáticos, verificou-se uma transformação significativa da política externa da Turquia, que abandonou a matriz de aliança com o Ocidente em favor de uma estratégia mais regionalista e assertiva. / This article deals with the evolution of civil-military relations in Turkey, and with its strict link with its foreign policy. With that spirit, we analyzed the development of Kemalism in Turkey and we showed how the Turkish Armed Forces managed to institutionalize their prerogatives, so they could play a paramount role to the formulation of Turkish foreign policy. During the Cold War, therefore, it meant the Ankara has always been a close ally to the West, especially because Army feared the rise of antagonist political movements such as Marxism, Islamism and Kurdism. However, from 1999, we can observe the exact opposite phenomenon, because the Turkish Armed Forces have been ostracized when it comes to the Turkish political process. This fact was deeply intensified since 2002, when the AKP won the general elections. The AKP victory brought some religious segments to the core of the government and that deepen the military decline as political actors. Diplomatically, we remarked a significant shift in Turkish foreign policy, once Turkey abandoned its unquestionable alliance with the West in favor of a more assertive and regionalist strategy.

This thesis explores the role of rap music as a platform for articulating anti-government discourse in Turkey between 2014 and 2019. Employing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis (MCDA) to examine two specific rap songs from the period – Rant Hilafeti (The Caliphate of Profit) by Ozbi and #SUSAMAM (#ICANNOTBESILENT) by Şanışer and eighteen other artists –, the study delves into how the various commodities forming rap music – lyrics, visuals, and musical sounds – collaborate to construct and convey this counter-hegemonic narrative. The thesis posits that rap music gained prominence during this period as a powerful tool for dissent, owing to its ability to resonate with marginalised groups and challenge the dominant narratives propagated by the government. Leveraging CDA and MCDA methodologies, the analysis exposes how the songs utilise linguistic, musical, and visual strategies to critique government policies, challenge authority figures, and galvanise resistance among listeners. The findings underscore the significance of rap music as a form of political expression and its influence on public discourse. The analysis highlights rap's capacity to bridge individual experiences with broader societal issues, fostering a sense of collective identity and resistance among marginalised communities. By examining the specific case of rap music, the thesis contributes to a broader understanding of the nexus between music and social movements in the Turkish contemporary political landscapes.