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Yes / Nelson Mandela, speaking of peace parks said “I know of no political movement, no philosophy, no ideology, which does not agree with the concept of peace parks … in a world beset by conflict and division peace is one of the cornerstones of the future … in the entire world” The IUCN publication, Transboundary Protected Areas for Peace and Co-operation[1], lists over 600 such regions and defines Parks for Peace as: “transboundary protected areas that are formally dedicated to the protection and maintenance of biological diversity, and of natural and associated cultural resources, and to the promotion of peace and co-operation”. The single Prokletije mountain range is divided by three borders. It is one of the most beautiful and untouched areas of high natural habitat in Europe. One of the aims here is to preserve this most outstanding area of natural beauty and value, as well as making a contribution towards peace and stability in the region, promoting the growth of community between ethnic and religious groups. Interest in a peace park for this area has already been activated in Belgrade, Peć, Plav, Podgorica, Shkodra, Tirana, Plav and elsewhere, although, as Franz Stummann observed, “Politicians don’t see what’s happening on the borders” [2]. It has been said that "borders constitute the main cause of wars ... neighboring countries are the most prone to fight. The danger of violence creeps around borders" [3]. Despite considerable skepticism initially, a "peace park", covering a wide geographical area has been developing for the past decade in the area surrounding the meeting point in the high remote mountains of Kosovo/Albania/Montenegro. Each of these aspire to EU membership. There are already many people, NGOs, local and national authorities working on ongoing relevant projects within the area, as well as dialoguing, across the borders.

No / An ethnobiological field study on food plants and medicinal foods traditionally consumed in three Arbëresh (ethnic Albanian) communities in northern Lucania (southern Italy) document approximately 120 botanical taxa used for these purposes. Non-domesticated food vegetables (liakra), mostly gathered during the spring season, play a central role as traditional functional food. Quantitative ethnobotanical, ethnotaxonomical, ethnoecological, ethnogastronomical, and ethnopharmacological aspects related to gathering, processing, cooking and consumption of liakra are discussed. Unusual food species, such as Lycium europeaum, Centaurea calcitrapa, and a few spontaneous weedy Asteraceae and Brassicaceae species are locally used in the kitchen. Most of these are very poorly known phytochemically and phytopharmacologically. Moreover, an analysis of taste perception of the most commonly used botanical foods was conducted in the village of Ginestra. Arbëresh taste classification and indigenous criteria related to the perception of bitter taste in considering non-cultivated plants as food or medicine are discussed as well.

This thesis analyzes the political relations between Turkey and Albania in the post Cold War period. Political and diplomatic relations between Turkey and Albania based on mutual respect for territorial integrity and independence. This study analyzes the continuities and changes in the Turkish foreign policy towards Albania in the post Cold War era. Also changes and continuities in the Albanian foreign policy in the post Cold War period are scrutinized. This work examines the main Turkish foreign policy approaches towards Albania. Patterns of Turkish Balkan policy are examined to find out how Turkey constructed its foreign policy towards Albania after the end of Cold War. Turkey continued its traditional foreign policy according to realist and national interest-based foreign policy formulation. After 1990, Albania was in a period of a transition from its sui generis communist dictatorship regime under Enver Hoxha to an emerging democracy. Albania considered Turkey as a reliable ally in the Balkans. Turkey attached strong importance to stability and security in the Balkan region. Albania has significant role to play in Balkan region. Thus Turkey welcomed the Albanian decision on membership application to NATO and EU. Turkey tried to strength its bilateral relations with Albania and supported lbania&rsquo / s participation in regional and international organizations. This study focuses on the relations of Turkey and Albania within the framework of international and regional organizations.

Using a case study approach this study investigated how college students in Vlore, Albania seek and use information resources for academic and personal needs and whether they follow a pattern similar to Brenda Dervin's sense-making, or Marcia Bates' berry-picking information seeking models. Influencing factors studied were economic factors, information communication technologies and information culture/policy. A literature review showed that no previous published research has studied information seeking behavior of college age students and faculty in Albania. Thirty-four college students and two full time faculty completed a survey and a smaller group were interviewed. The results of the study indicate that Google is the main source for seeking information for both academic and personal purposes. College students are not introduced or taught on how to evaluate information sources. The information communication technology needs improvement to support information needs. The library as a major information resource was not apparent to most students. College students utilize berry-picking as the information seeking model and faculty use sense-making, as a model of information seeking. This study adds to the knowledge of the information seeking behavior of college students in a developing country, the need for information literacy courses at the university level, and the identification of additional areas of research regarding information communication technologies, information policy, and literacy for developing countries.

This study demonstrates that, in the post Cold War era, US leadership becomes more crucial than ever. Through the adoption of a classical approach; a thorough case study of diplomatic efforts vis-a-vis Albania coupled with America's response to the crisis in Bosnia, highlights the weakness of US policy in the former and its outright failure in the case of the latter. Historical analysis demonstrates that recent violent nationalism in the Balkans did not suddenly erupt into violence. Instead, it remains dormant until such time that power vacuums, the result of power politics, are created. Indeed, the work seeks to show the history of Western, especially US, policy failure and short-sightedness in the region and how past trends have invoked present failures and crises which have yet to be remedied. The examination of US relations with Albania, shows that much more is required in America's efforts to ensure that democracy succeeds in Albania, and that a deeper analysis demonstrates the need for greater mutual understanding between the US and Albania. The Bosnian crisis is an example of American and Western failure which should not be repeated elsewhere in the region. By reviewing the tenets of American foreign policy, the study seeks to shed light upon the theories which have dominated current debate. The aim of such a review is to examine the trend, or trends, which have surfaced from the foreign policy debate and, specifically, whether or not these indicate the direction American foreign policy towards the region should be taking in the post- Cold War era.

The thesis’s main objective was to determine if Albania was in close proximity to realize the human right to water, plainly by answering the subsequent queries; (i) if water utilization was accessible for all, and (ii) if the accessible water was of good quality (i.e. safe to drink) as well as (iii) if the economic accessibility was affordable without any discrepancy in its distribution. In sequence to answer the aforementioned queries, the thesis utilized a design of a case study since case studies are exceptionally well at endowing the researcher with an understanding of a multifaceted subject matter, i.e. Albania’s political economy of the right to water. The results of the thesis exhibits that water utilization is not accessible for all due to inadequate water amenities, and due to the large wastage of water that does not go into needed utilization. In proceeding, the results also illustrates that Albania is in deficient of water quality observation, which sequentially outcomes in unprotected water and relentless leakage. In conjunction with the findings of the thesis, it is verified that the rural areas of Albania are stricken the most, primarily because Albania does not encompass a righteous distribution of water reforms. Into the bargain, the rural areas are not only struggling with the discrepancy in the distribution of water but also with excessive costs of the diminutive amenities that are available.

BÁRTL, ZDENĚK. The Reflection of Albania in the Czechoslovakian Environment of the Years 1948 - 1962. Praha: Faculty of Philosophy, Charles University in Prague, 2014, 86 pp. Diploma Thesis. This diploma thesis analyses the way how the Czechoslovakian print media reflected events in Albania in the years 1948 - 1962. It studies public knowledge based on the print media about political events, international relationship, economic situation, life and development in Albanian society. The chronological framework starts on alliance between Enver Hoxha regime and Czechoslovakia and ends with the first months after the real severance of all links between Albania and the Soviet Union bloc. The thesis is divided into two parts. The first, a general part, offers basic geographical information and a brief summary of Albanian history. The second part, more extensive, elaborates the key topic which means the reflection of Albania in the Czechoslovakian environment. Particular units follow up selected sphere or events which the print media dedicated the major attention in the years 1948-1962.

The study of the integration of the children of migrants—the so-called ‗second generation‘—is a recent trend in migration literature. Their integration is thought to be an important indicator of the degree of integration of immigrants in general into a specific society. This thesis is the first full-length comparative study of the Albanian second generation. Using a variety of field methods, it compares the ethnic identities, transnational ties and integration pathways of Albanian-origin teenagers in three European cities—London, Thessaloniki and Florence—by focusing on intergenerational transmission between the first and the second generation. Greece, Italy and the UK are, in that order, the three main European countries where Albanian migrants have settled during their short but intense migration experience of the past two decades. My study shifts the focus partly to the situation and developments in Southern Europe, where the awareness and interest in issues of the integration of the second generation are still at an initial phase. The research involved fieldwork in each of the above-named cities, where quota samples of three categories of informants were interviewed: parents, their second-generation teenage children, and teachers and other key informants within the host society. Findings show significant differences in the integration patterns of both generations, affected by sharp differences between the three contexts and the history of immigration in each context. They also point to important within- and inter-group differences, based on various socio-economic indicators. Intergenerational transmission appears as a dynamic process affected not only by context and the parents‘ socio-economic background, but also by parents‘ stage of integration. By studying a settling immigrant group and their descendants, the thesis takes a proactive approach towards the integration of ethnic minorities.

Ce travail analyse l'internationalisation de la protection environnementale sur cinq zones humides majeures d'Albanie. De par leur géographie et leur situation sur des corridors biologiques, ces zones accueillent une importante biodiversité. Trois d'entre elles sont inscrites à la convention Ramsar. Les grandes plaines littorales d'Albanie étaient naguère très marécageuses, favorables au développement de la biodiversité, d'autant plus qu'elles étaient peu peuplées, car le peuple albanais vivait d'élevage dans les montagnes. L'arrivée des communistes au pouvoir a provoqué un bouleversement des valeurs, exaltant les vertus de ces plaines littorales délaissées. Leur assèchement et leur mise en culture provoqua la disparition des espaces-tampons et des bouleversements des équilibres physico-chimiques des eaux des zones humides, notamment de la salinité de l'eau. L'introduction d'espèces allochtones pour la pêche, les pollutions agricoles et industrielles, le colmatage de chenaux par l'afflux de sédiments liés à la mise à nu des sols, furent autant de conséquences des pratiques agraires durant le communisme. L'ouverture au monde en 1991 provoque la multiplication des acteurs sur les zones humides, et la formation de systèmes géographiques singuliers nés de ces jeux d'acteurs. Les pressions agricoles sont en recul, mais les acteurs locaux exploitent les ressources sauvages parfois sans contrôle. Les acteurs globaux jouent à la fois sur l'attrait de l'Albanie comme pays à faible taux de main-d'oeuvre et à la situation stratégique sur les chemins énergétiques. Les institutions internationales poussent à la création de zones protégées sur les wetlands afin de s'approprier les questions de biodiversité et réunir des segments cassés de corridors biologiques, que l'Etat encourage comme autant de manières d'avancer ses pions sur l'échiquier diplomatique. [etc.] / This paper analyzes the internationalization of environmental protection on five major wetlands of Albania. By geography and location of biological corridors, these areas are hot spot of biodiversity. Three of them are listed on the Ramsar convention. Large coastal plains of Albania were once very swampy, favorable to the development of biodiversity, especially as they were sparsely populated, because the Albanian people living in the mountains. The Communists came to power led to a shift in values, extolling the virtues of these coastal plains neglected. Their drying and cultivation led to the disappearance of buffer spaces and changes of physico-chemical equilibria of water from wetlands, including the salinity of the water. The introduction of species for fishing, agricultural and industrial pollution, clogging of channels by the influx of sediments related to the exposure of the soil, were all consequences of agricultural practices during communism. The openenig of Albania in 1991 caused the multiplication of actors on Wetlands, and the formation of unique geographic systems born of these games players. Agricultural pressures are declining, but local actors exploit wild resources sometimes without control. Global players play on both the attractiveness of Albania as a country with low rates of labor and strategic location on energy paths. International institutions to push the creation of protected wetlands to the appropriate biodiversity issues and gather broken segments of biological corridors, areas that the state encourages as many ways to advance his pawns on the diplomatic chessboard. These strategies built on a nested territory form a particular geography that we map in the last part. They determine the axes, areas and points of national or local comprehensive, and strategic value political, economic or environmental. [etc.]