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Latin America is often cited as a prime example of historically rooted and deeply embedded opposition to the United States. There exists a prevalent assumption in the literature that suggests a legacy of foreign intervention can breed anti-Americanism. From this theoretical point of departure, we would expect individuals who lived through periods of intervention to express more negative opinions of the U.S. This thesis aims to explore whether historical legacies continue to live on and impact individual-level evaluations of the United States. By exploiting cross-country variation in the years and types of intervention, this study tests the empirical significance of the relationship between “exposure” to U.S. intervention and anti-Americanism. To quantify the effects, ordered logistical regression analyses are conducted at the regional and country level using an original dataset from Berger et al. (2013b) on CIA interventions and large-n survey data from the 2020 Latinobarometer. The results show that exposure is indeed a significant predictor of anti-Americanism with respondents who lived through periods of intervention having higher odds of expressing negative opinions of the U.S. However, further subset analyses demonstrate how this relationship can vary based on ideological cleavages, country, and the type of intervention that took place.

This thesis focuses on the use of metaphor in characterizing the alleged enemies of Christianity and Americanism during the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s. A summary of influential political, social, and religious events during the time period examined and biographical profiles precede a metaphoric analysis of the rhetoric of three far-right spokeswomen. The anti-Catholic rhetoric of Alma White, Bishop of the Pillar of Fire Church, the anti-Communist rhetoric of Elizabeth Dilling, suburban crusader of the Mothers' movement, and the anti-Semitic rhetoric of Marilyn Allen, Anglo-Israelite reactionary, provide the data for analysis. The metaphoric analysis reveals that Catholics, Communists, and Jews are portrayed as "Supreme Evil" and "Supreme Threat" in the metaphors of the three women. By labeling Catholics, Communists, and Jews as evil the rhetors attribute negative value judgements which have the potential to trigger strong emotional reactions in auditors. By claiming that Catholics, Communists, and Jews threaten religious and political freedom in America, the rhetors encourage suppression of, and violence against, members of these groups. Additionally, four common attitudes and values which underlie the metaphors are delineated and their salience to Fundamentalists, reactionaries, and members of the far right is illustrated. Finally, change in the metaphors over the thirty-year time span is reexamined. The findings support more similarities than differences in specific allegations of evil and threat, and in the emotional tone of the metaphors.

This dissertation aims to investigate how the United States of America emerges as a model nation in the official discourse of the Empire of Brazil, through the analysis of the Ministerial Reports issued by the Secretary of State for Empire Business (Secretaria de Estado dos Negócios do Império) between 1832 and 1888, year in which the last Ministerial Report was presented to the Legislative General Assembly, a year before the Proclamation of the Republic which led to the adoption of the US federal system that marked the moment thereafter the country started to be called United States of Brazil. We based our analytical effort on the hypothesis that the representations of that country which can be found in the above-mentioned documents stem from a mythified image of the United States, which comes, for the most part, from the reading practices of Ministers as well as General Inspectors of Primary and Secondary Instruction. / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo investigar o modo como os Estados Unidos da América emergem como nação-modelo no discurso oficial do Império do Brasil, através da análise dos Relatórios Ministeriais emitidos pela Secretaria de Estado dos Negócios do Império entre os anos de 1832 e 1888, data em que é apresentado à Assembleia Geral Legislativa o último Relatório Ministerial referente ao período imperial, a um ano da proclamação da República, que acarretou a adoção do sistema federativo norte-americano, a partir do qual o país passou a se chamar Estados Unidos do Brasil. Norteou nosso esforço de análise a hipótese de que as representações daquele país encontráveis nos documentos enunciados assentam-se numa imagem mitificada dos Estados Unidos, resultante, em sua maior parte, das práticas de leitura dos Ministros e Inspetores Gerais da Instrução Primária e Secundária do Império; isto é, as representações daquele país que subjazem ao discurso desses agentes do governo provinham principalmente dos escritos a que tiveram acesso.

L’expérience d’Aimé Bonpland invite à réfléchir sur les conditions nécessaires au transfert d’une science et sur l’idéologie qui le porte. Partisan de l’indépendance du Río de la Plata, imprégné d’une culture politique mettant au premier plan la nécessité d’un Etat fort permettant la stabilité et le rayonnement d’une nation, Bonpland se heurte à l’instabilité qui caractérise la construction politique de cette région. En suivant son parcours on assiste à la rencontre manquée entre un naturaliste porteur d’un projet fondé sur le modèle universaliste du centre scientifique européen et des élites qui, à la périphérie, souhaitent mettre en place une politique spécifique basée sur l’utilisation des ressources naturelles à des fins de développement interne. Cette expérience permet de mettre en évidence différents moments de la construction des nations rioplatenses et de les insérer dans une grille de lecture américaniste. La notion d’américanisme, abordée comme un ensemble d’idéologies en action ayant comme propriété essentielle le développement d’interactions culturelles, soulève le problème de la convergence des idéologies et de leur adaptation transatlantique. En effet, il faut attendre la mise en place de projets politiques et scientifiques rioplatenses fondés sur la production externalisée des connaissances pour que l’action scientifique menée par Bonpland, elle-même basée sur la recherche appliquée, devienne opératoire. L’expérience de Bonpland est à replacer dans cette continuité, depuis l’inadéquation entre l’offre et la demande scientifique jusqu’à la convergence des projets américanistes. / Aimé Bonpland’s experience leads us to reflect about the necessary conditions for the transfer of a science and the ideology it bears. In favour of the independence of the Rio de la plata, imbued with a political culture putting forward the necessity of a strong state thus enabling a nation to be stable and to shine forth, Bonpland comes up against the instability that characterizes the political construction of this region. By following his path, we witness the wasted accounter between, on the one hand a naturalist bearing a project based on the universalist pattern of the European scientific center, and, on the other hand the elites who, at the periphery, want to settle a specific policy based on the use of natural resources aiming at international development. This experience enables to bring to the fore different moments of the construction of the Rioplatenses nations and to insert them from an americanist perspective. The notion of americanism tackled as a set of ideologies into action whose main property is the development of cultural interactions, arises the issue of the convergence of ideologies and of their transatlantic adaptation. Indeed, to become operating, it is necessary to wait for the setting up of political and scientific rioplatenses projects, based on the outsourced production of knowledge, for the scientific action led by Bonpland, itself based on applied research, to become operating. It is necessary to put Bonpland’s position back in this continuity, from the inadequacy between the scientific supply and demand, up to the convergence of americanist projects.

This thesis seeks to show the pattern of red-baiting used in the United States to counter various forms of "subversive" social change. The paper illustrates how the issue of anti-communism was used as a political tool on the national level, and this tactic would trickle down to the state and local level, specifically into the public school systems. Focusing on Orleans Parish public schools, the narrative of red-baiting and anti-communist rhetoric is brought to life through the trials of Fortier High School. This study will chronicle how teachers became the tools of nation-building through state-sponsored "Americanism" programs. Students of Fortier and other high schools in the region were taught that to be American means specifically not to be Communist. This then is a contribution to the continuity of the politics of anti-communism in the United States from the New Deal to the Cold War eras.

This essay examines anti-Americanism in Austria throughout George W. Bush’s presidency, and Austrians’ response to Bush’s neoconservative team of advisers and his military actions in Iraq following the September 11, 2001 attacks in New York and Washington. For the first time in a century, a disposition of general hostility towards the United States came from both the Austrian Left and Right during the Bush years. Austrians’ latent notions of negativity towards the United States grew inflamed over Bush’s alienation of Western Europe and his determination to go to war against the Saddam regime in Iraq. Austrian anti-Americanism began to subside as Bush’s power declined during his second term. Austrians’ opinion of the United States sharply turned positive with the election of Barack Obama in 2008.

Le 11 septembre 2001, les États-Unis vivaient un traumatisme majeur qui engendra des questionnements sur l’image des Américains dans le monde et plus particulièrement dans le monde arabo-musulman. Cet intérêt croissant est au cœur de ce travail doctoral qui s’intéresse à l’image des États-Unis en Égypte à travers la presse d’expression anglaise et la culture populaire égyptienne de 1991 à 2008. L’Égypte avait déjà commencé à explorer sa relation avec les États-Unis bien avant notre période d’étude mais il y a eu une recrudescence de cet intérêt avec la guerre du Golfe (1990-1991), le processus de paix sous l’égide de Bill Clinton (1991-2000) et l’invasion de l’Irak en 2003. En effet, l’implication croissante des États-Unis dans la région du Proche Orient occasionne une réception complexe qui mérite un examen minutieux. Cette thèse retrace l’historique de cette image dès les premiers contacts pour arriver à esquisser les différents courants qui influent sur la réception des États-Unis en Égypte et jusqu’à un certain degré, dans le monde arabe, en raison du rayonnement culturel de l’Égypte dans la région. / On 9/11 the United States suffered a major trauma which raised questions as to its image abroad, and particularly, in the Arab and Muslim worlds. This ever-increasing interest lies at the heart of our dissertation which focuses on the image of the United States in Egypt from 1991 to 2008, as seen and spread through the English-language press and more specifically, the newspaper Al-Ahram Weekly, as well as through Egyptian popular culture. Egypt had already begun to explore its relationship with the United States well before the period under study, but the Gulf War (1990-1991), the peace process under the leadership of Bill Clinton (1991-2000) and the invasion of Iraq in 2003 revived this interest. Indeed, the United States’ deepening involvement in Middle Eastern issues had led to complex responses that deserve scrutiny. After tracing the history of the image of the United States in Egypt since the first contacts, this dissertation analyzes the ups and downs of the perception of the United States in Egypt between 1990 and 2008, and to some extent, in the Arab world, on account of the cultural influence of Egypt in the region.