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"This thesis is a study of the Negro voter in Austin, Texas. The writer hopes that the findings of this study will be a valuable addition to our knowledge of the Negro voter in American politics. The thesis certainly does answer pertinent questions about Negro politics in Austin, Texas. What is the attitude of the Austin Negro toward the two major political parties? What are the attitudes of the Negro voter towards Negro political leaders and organizations? What are some of the personal factors which affect who does and who does not vote among Negroes? What is the influence of the poll tax upon the political behavior of the Negro? It is hoped that this study will answer these questions and others concerning Negro political life in Austin."-- leaf 1.

Table of Contents: Frontmatter / Chapter One: Latino Politics: Both a Growing and Evolving Political Community / Chapter Two: Methodology and User Guide / Chapter Three: History, Demographics and Mass Media / Chapter Four: Latino Identity / Chapter Five: Books Focused on Ethnic Studies / Chapter Six: Political Attitudes and Political Behavior / Chapter Seven: Latino Elites, Representation, and Institutions / Chapter Eight: Inter-group Relations / Chapter Nine: Public Policy Issues / Chapter Ten: Methodology and Measurement Issues / Chapter Eleven: Reference Sources / Appendixes

Black Capitol investigates the persistence of racial inequality in the federal legislative workforce. I frame the existence of racial inequality in Congress not as an outgrowth of certain racist members of Congress, but as a defining characteristic of the institution. I analyze how these disparities are produced by and through an institutional structure formed by race. This leads me to offer the concept of Congress as a raced political institution. I use the term raced political institution to mean institutions, organized for the purposes of government, in which race is embedded in the organizational structure, and is a determining factor of how labor and space is organized on the formal level. In addition, I use the term to informally capture how perceptions of power influence identity construction, interactions, and culture. I build on scholarship from critical race theorists, to argue that Congress is a seminal institution in the American racial state, responsible for structuring race and inequality in American society. From the perspective of Black legislative staff, who currently or previously worked in the Capitol, I assess how the congressional workforce is stratified, how physical space is segregated, and how interactions and identities are racialized. I employ a mixed methods approach, including over 70 semi-structured interviews with current and former legislative employees, archival research, and ethnographic observations of the staff organizations. This analysis contributes to a wide range of scholarly conversations about citizenship, representation, democracy, and bureaucracy. More broadly, this work raises important questions about the distribution of power in the American political system and how inequality in Congress reverberates off of Capitol Hill.

This thesis focuses on the rise to prominence, during the 1980s and 1990s, of a coterie of African American intellectuals associated with the powerful networks and institutions of the New Right. It situates the relatively marginalised phenomenon of contemporary black conservatism within its historical context; explores the nature and significance of the racial discourse it has generated; and probes the intellectual character of the individuals whose contributions to this strand of black thought have stood out over the past three decades. Engaging the writings of the major black conservative figures and the literature of their supporters and critics, I then evaluate their ideas in relation to the key debates concerning race and class in American life debates that have centred, for the most part, on the vexed issues of affirmative action, poverty and public education. In illuminating this complex, still largely misunderstood phenomenon, this thesis reveals the black conservatives as more than a group but as individuals with their own distinctive arguments.

"This thesis analyzes the impact of the Mexican-American voters in south Texas on the 1960 presidential election. During that election year, this ethnic minority was strong enough to merit direct appeals from the Democratic presidential candidate, and subsequently, allowed to conduct a unique campaign divorced from the direct control of the conservative state Democratic machinery...The study of the Mexican-American political behavior in 1960 proceeds in three stages. The first chapter examines the political factionalism within the state Democratic Party suggest the conservative solution to the problem of liberal splinter groups, and evaluates Lyndon Johnson's contribution to the Democratic ticket in south Texas. Chapter II probes into the importance of imagery and indentity in politics, challenges the possibility of a religiously-based bloc vote in south Texas, but postulates the probability of a sub-conscious religious identification with the Democratic candidate. The last chapter describes the Valley 'Viva Kennedy' clubs, their origin, organization, activities, and contributions. To substantiate the author's hypothesis, oral interviews, club reports, personal files, letters, and contemporary newspapers were extensively used."-- leaf 1.

"Perhaps no phase of American history has been more written about than the Reconstruction period, but few historians seriously consider the role of the Negroes during this period. It is the purpose of this thesis to show the part played by the Negroes during the Reconstruction of the states of Arkansas, Texas, and Louisiana and the factors which led to their ascendancy to political leadership. Most historians give a one-sided view of this period of Reconstruction, playing down the role of the Negroes with the assumption that they were members of an inferior race and incapable of contributing anything constructive to American history. An examination of the facts, however, discloses that the Negroes did contribute a great deal to American history during their brief role in politics. Many of the Negro office holders, usually considered ignorant and illiterate, were well trained and well educated and displayed considerable ability in their particular offices. Contributions of these Negro leaders have merely been obscured by bitterness in partisan politics, and more objective study of Reconstruction will inevitably alter the traditional picture of the Negro political leaders." -- leaf iv.

The study of African American Reconstruction leadership has presented a variety of unique challenges for modern historians who struggle to piece together the lives of men, who prior to the Civil War, had little political identity. The scant amounts of primary source data in regard to these leaders’ lives before the war, the destruction of many documents in regard to their leadership following the Reconstruction Era, and the treatment of these figures by historians prior to the Revisionist movement have left this body of extremely important political figures largely unexplored. This dissertation will examine the life of one of Louisiana’s foremost leaders, Lt. Governor Oscar James Dunn, the United States’ first African American executive officeholder. Using previously overlooked papers, Masonic records, Senate journals, newspaper articles and government documents, the dissertation explores Dunn’s role in Louisiana politics and chronicles the factionalization of the Republican Party in Reconstruction New Orleans. Born a slave and released from bondage at an early age, Oscar J. Dunn was able to transcend the stigma which was often attached to those who had been held in slavery. A native of New Orleans, born to Anglo-African parents, he was also able to transcend the language barrier that often excluded Anglo-Africans from social acceptability in Afro-Creole society. Although illiterate, Dunn’s parents made critical strides in securing his social mobility by providing him with both a formal education and a trade apprenticeship. Those skills propelled Dunn forward within his Anglo-African community wherein he became a key figure in the community’s two most important institutions, the York Rite Masonic Lodge and the African Methodist Episcopal church. This dissertation argues that Dunn’s political ascent was linked to the political enfranchisement of antebellum Anglo-Africans in Louisiana, Dunn’s involvement in Anglo-African institutions (particularly the York Rite Masonic Lodge and the African Methodist Episcopal church) and Dunn’s ability to find middle ground in the racially charged arguments that engulfed Reconstruction New Orleans’s political arena. Keywords: Oscar Dunn, Reconstruction, New Orleans, Republican, Louisiana, African American, Politics

This dissertation analyzes Fort Worth's Mexican community from 1960 to 2000 while considering the idea of citizenship through representation in education and politics. After establishing an introductory chapter that places the research in context with traditional Chicano scholarship while utilizing prominent ideas and theories that exist within Modern Imperial studies, the ensuing chapter looks into the rise of Fort Worth's Mexican population over the last four decades of the twentieth century. Thereafter, this work brings the attention to Mexican education in Fort Worth beginning in the 1960s and going through the end of the twentieth century. This research shows some of the struggles Mexicans encountered as they sought increased representation in the classroom, on the school board, and within other areas of the Fort Worth Independent School District. Meanwhile, Mexicans were in direct competition with African Americans who also sought increased representation while simultaneously pushing for more aggressive integration efforts against the wishes of Mexican leadership. Subsequently, this research moves the attention to political power in Fort Worth, primarily focusing on the Fort Worth city council. Again, this dissertation begins in the 1960s after the Fort Worth opened the election of the mayor to the people of Fort Worth. No Mexican was ever elected to city council prior to the rise of single-member districts despite several efforts by various community leaders. Chapter V thus culminates with the rise of single-member districts in 1977 which transitions the research to chapter VI when Mexicans were finally successful in garnering political representation on the city council. Finally, Chapter VII concludes the twentieth century beginning with the rapid rise and fall of an organization called Hispanic 2000, an organization that sought increased Mexican representation but soon fell apart because of differences of opinion. In concluding the research, the final chapter provides an evaluation of the lack of Mexican representation both in Fort Worth education and in the political realm. Furthermore, the finishing chapter places Fort Worth's Mexican situation within the context of both Chicano history as well as identify some key aspects of the history of modern empire. This investigation poses pertinent questions regarding the lack of Mexican representation while African Americans end the century well-represented on the school board, in education jobs, and on the city council.