<p><b>Background & Problem</b>: Democracy in the Arab world has received much attention since the Kuwait war in 1991, both in academics and in the public debate. Lebanon in particular has through its history in the 20th century constantly been facing new challenges for its multicultural society of minorities. Conflicts have dominated several periods with a horrible experience of 15 years of civil war between 1975-1990. Religion and confessional belonging have large influence in the political system, giving Lebanon a character of confessional state. How the political system and civil society is related to concept of democracy is the main object of this study.</p><p><b>Purpose</b>: The main purpose of this study is to examine the political structure, civil society and democracy in Lebanon. A literature study is combined with a field study in order to deepen the understanding of the political system, civil society and process of democracy through interviews with actors within civil society, politicians and academics.</p><p><b>Method</b>: The scientific approach and method used in this study has a qualitative character with focus on hermeneutics and more specifically on the hermeneutic circle.</p><p><b>Theoretical Framework</b>: This chapter introduces the theoretical tools of the theory and concepts used in the study. Focus is on liberal democracy and deliberative democracy, and briefly on consociational democracy. Clarification of concept of state, civil society and democracy is used for further introduction in the case of Lebanon, which are also a part of this chapter. Primary and secondary sources are brought into light in the case of Lebanon, in which the interviews that are conducted during the field study are firmly a background for analysis.</p><p><b>Analysis & Conclusions</b>: In the analysis, the focus is on understanding the text (primary and secondary data) in search for fulfilling the purpose and reach for an understanding of civil society and democracy in Lebanon. This chapter deals with the interpretation of the case Lebanon in evaluation of the theoretical framework with discussion on civil society, de-mocracy and political system. Conclusions and reflection upon the study and its results are presented in a final chapter.</p>

<p>This study aims to investigate, from an institutional perspective, the implications of the</p><p>new anti-corruption law in Viet Nam with a particular focus on its impact on civil society</p><p>and individual rights to report on corruption. The overarching research question is: How do</p><p>formal and informal institutions affect whistle-blowers possibilities to engage in combat of</p><p>corruption in Viet Nam? To blow the whistle in Viet Nam can be problematic, with</p><p>consequences such as loosing his/hers job and social exclusion. Whistle-blowers in Viet</p><p>Nam today seem to have an insufficient confidence to official authorities. Moreover, a</p><p>problem of significance is that whistle-blowers have to state their name and contact details</p><p>when reporting on corrupt acts to competent agencies. Another problem is that civil society</p><p>is strongly connected to the CPV (Communist Party of Viet Nam).</p>

Thesis (doctoral)--Universiteit Utrecht, 2007. / Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 463-479).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 56-59).

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of Government and Public Administration

As organized global actors, transnational advocacy networks (TANs) are an emerging way of people getting their voice heard and to make a change in global governance. Influencing policy-makers through advocacy has an identified connection to the legitimacy of the organization where the general assumption is that a higher legitimacy facilitates influence. In this thesis we have approached this situation from a strategic standpoint. Seeing as TANs – like most organizations – follow a strategy in order to achieve their goals, we wanted to see how legitimacy can be included as a part of the TANs strategy. This included describing the connections between the TAN as an organization and the legitimacy potential in both the organizational form and their actions. Our empirical findings suggested a close relationship between a TAN’s legitimacy and their stance with a policy-making institution, which led to a focus on these institutions as a target for TANs and their advocacy. We developed on this relation and outlined a suggestion for a strategic framework for TANs to consider when strategizing around legitimacy. We found that two main paths – named the Insider and the Outsider strategies – illustrate the options and implications a TAN is faced with on the topic of strategic legitimacy. The results constitute a contribution to the development of TAN strategy, a field that in the time of our writing this remains underexplored territory. We suggest that this field can be further developed by continuous research and we hope that this thesis is a contribution to that development.

This dissertation is a study of economic, political, and social reforms in contemporary Turkey and how they are experienced by the country's Romani ("Gypsy") population. By focusing on urban renewal projects, the pluralization of cultural identities, and the proliferation of civil society organizations, this dissertation analyzes these changes in urban Romani communities, examining how state and civil society initiatives impact identity and civic engagement. This research contributes broadly to work in anthropology studying the relationship between culture and power, specifically investigating how local cultural identities and practices intersect and interact with transnational political-economic processes. While the meaning and application of the concept of 'culture' has been much debated in the social sciences, this analysis is situated within studies that consider culture a site of governance. Many modern forms of governance work less through force than by subjecting culture to the political logic of empowerment and improvement. This study interrogates this process via ethnographic research with dislocated Roma and Romani rights civic actors in three Turkish cities, focusing in particular on one dislocated Romani community from a neighborhood in Istanbul known as Sulukule. The project is unique in that it addresses Romani identity, culture, and citizenship where they intersect with current politics around urban development in Turkey. While 'urban renewal' projects are incorporating the land of the urban poor into new plans for Istanbul as a global city, Romani residents find themselves increasingly dispossessed. More than interventions that aim to improve the conditions of Turkey's Roma, urban development has renewed the politicization of urban Romani communities, particularly the youth, who have begun participating in social movements and Romani rights activism. The study finds that, while the changes resulting from liberalization and democratization in Turkey are typically posed by scholars, politicians, and civil society actors as either positive or negative, the advantages and disadvantages for marginalized populations like the Roma are actually simultaneously produced and mutually constituted. While Turkey's Roma are being integrated into discourses, practices, and institutions of Turkish national belonging and transnational Romani rights solidarity, they are also facing the dissolution of their local communities, traditional occupations, and cultural life. This dissertation suggests broader repercussions for anthropological understandings of the impact of free-market liberalization and democratization in so-called 'developing countries,' and particularly interrogates the politics of 'openness', the relationship between civil society and 'political society', and the role of transnational networks in urban politics.

This study examines the changing context and implications for evaluation practice of social program and service delivery devolved to small nonprofit and grassroots organizations. The setting is explored through a critical reflection-on-practice of over twenty years experience conducting evaluation. Using a multiple case study approach, the dissertation examines nine broad themes through two broad composite scenarios and twenty-five detailed vignettes that portray the challenges of working as a consultant with and for small nonprofit and grassroots organizations as they grapple with growing demands for accountability through evaluation. The multiple case study analysis is complemented by an analysis of case studies in two broad areas of literature; one on the impacts of devolution in the nonprofit sector, and the other examining recent trends in evaluation conducted in challenging settings, including community-based and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The five broad themes addressed through the case studies and literature on devolution are: 1) accountability, 2) capacity, 3) mandate drift, 4) competition, and 5) complexity. The four broad themes addressed through case studies and literature on evaluation are: 1) theory-based evaluation, 2) inclusiveness (participatory approaches), 3) the changing and multiple roles of evaluators, and 4) the use of dialogue, deliberative and democratic approaches in evaluation practice. The study contends that the ‘rough ground’ of nonprofit settings provides a useful lens for understanding broader challenges and trends in evaluation practice; that evaluators provide more than just technical skills and knowledge, but undertake important roles in linking communities, mediating among stakeholders, fostering dialogue and deliberation about programming, and mitigating some of the more egregious impacts of devolution experienced by nonprofit and grassroots organizations. By acknowledging and supporting the development of such roles and responsibilities, the profession and evaluators working in these settings can provide meaningful contributions to public discourse about the nature of accountability, the broad context of social programming, the complex capacity challenges being faced by nonprofit organizations, and the role of evaluation in exacerbating or potentially mitigating such effects.

This thesis examines if and how Twitter can be used to organize protests by activists. Theoretically, it addresses several debates about Internet technology in approaches to Social Movement Theory, Network Theory, and Digital Politics Theory and synthesizes them to create an analytical framework to address Internet technologies effects, or lack thereof, on civil society. Through a case study examining protests in Kuwait empirical results indicate that Twitter does not have a significant impact on collective action efforts as it is not used to connect activists or create a forum for dialogue. Instead it is used to promote slogans and provide on-the-ground-reports of events, which do not have significant effects on organizing collective action. The reason for its relative insignificance is largely due to political, social and economic obstacles that polarize and fragment online collective action efforts.

No description available.