As organized global actors, transnational advocacy networks (TANs) are an emerging way of people getting their voice heard and to make a change in global governance. Influencing policy-makers through advocacy has an identified connection to the legitimacy of the organization where the general assumption is that a higher legitimacy facilitates influence. In this thesis we have approached this situation from a strategic standpoint. Seeing as TANs – like most organizations – follow a strategy in order to achieve their goals, we wanted to see how legitimacy can be included as a part of the TANs strategy. This included describing the connections between the TAN as an organization and the legitimacy potential in both the organizational form and their actions. Our empirical findings suggested a close relationship between a TAN’s legitimacy and their stance with a policy-making institution, which led to a focus on these institutions as a target for TANs and their advocacy. We developed on this relation and outlined a suggestion for a strategic framework for TANs to consider when strategizing around legitimacy. We found that two main paths – named the Insider and the Outsider strategies – illustrate the options and implications a TAN is faced with on the topic of strategic legitimacy. The results constitute a contribution to the development of TAN strategy, a field that in the time of our writing this remains underexplored territory. We suggest that this field can be further developed by continuous research and we hope that this thesis is a contribution to that development.

It is widely suggested that, in domestic environment, abundant private social network can make a huge impact in many aspect and vice versa. Then the same concept could also be applicable in international relations, and help mobilize sovereignty states? A rich literature also theorizes about the development of these phenomena among non-state actors that may signal the emergence of a new global civil society. While experts were continue discussing such subject, the transnational relationship scholars Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink unveiled the concept of ¡§transnational advocacy network¡¨(hereafter TANs) being a tightly knit community of transnational members with shared believes and identity named ¡§issue-net work¡¨. Its strategies related to this activity in term of ¡§arguing power¡¨ and ¡§norm instrumental pressures¡¨. Then several questions can also be raised following its detail: How come did they make it success while others fail? Besides, if we ignored some factors during this ¡§network connecting¡¨ process¡HFinally, to what extent did they interact with sovereignty states? In the case of FaLun Gong group, its network structure is very complete and huge, but according to the consequence of its advocacy target ; suggested it fail to its campaign activity, then how would TANs theory help explain such consequence? This research observes the transformed of FLG TANs, and tries to tackle the above-mentioned questions. Therefore, may it could suggest some empirical experience from the outcome of this research, to those NGOs or non-state actors who devote in environment or human right campaign.

In 2017, the far right populist, transnational movement “Generation Identity” (GI) embarked on an activist “mission” in the Mediterranean Sea to stop non-European migrants from reaching the European continent. This paper presents a study of how GI was able to do so, analysing the empowering network of support that evolved during the movement’s “Defend Europe” campaign. Its relevance arises from the globally growing assertiveness of populist actors, cooperating and shaping international politics together. However, studies on party politics and international interactions prevail in research on global populism -this paper is the first one to raise the question of how far right populist social movements interact in transnational networks. Applying a resource mobilization approach and drawing on transnational advocacy theory, I attempt to answer this question with a single case study on the German GI-branch’s networking activities during the Defend Europe campaign. The relational data collected shows that far right populists, too, engage in transnational advocacy efforts, and it appears that their populism does not visibly determine how their networks function. Rather, GI’s activism in “defensive mode” seems decisive for the movement’s transnational networking practices, limiting its possibilities to gain in political and societal influence.

abstract: Since the 1988 uprising, a transnational advocacy network has formed around the issue of democracy and human rights in Burma. Within this transnational advocacy network, personal narratives of trauma have been promulgated in both international and oppositional news media and human rights reports. My thesis critically analyzes the use of the trauma narrative for advocacy purposes by the transnational advocacy network that has emerged around Burma and reveals the degree to which these narratives adhere to a Western, individualistic meta-narrative focused on political and civil liberties. Examining the "boomerang" pattern and the concept of marketability of movements, I highlight the characteristics of the 1988 uprising and subsequent opposition movement that attracted international interest. Reflecting on the psychological aspects of constructing trauma narratives, I then review the scholarship which links trauma narratives to social and human rights movements. Using a Foucauldian approach to discourse analysis, I subsequently explain my methodology in analyzing the personal narratives I have chosen. Beyond a theoretical discussion of trauma narratives and transnational advocacy networks, I analyze the use of personal narratives of activists involved in the 1988 uprising and the emergence of Aung San Suu Kyi's life story as a compelling narrative for Western audiences. I then explore the structure of human rights reports which situate personal narratives of trauma within the framework of international human rights law. I note the differences in the construction of traumatic narratives of agency and those of victimization. Finally, using Cyclone Nargis as a case study, I uncover the discursive divide between human rights and humanitarian actors and their use of personal narratives to support different discursive constructions of the aid effort in the aftermath of the cyclone. I conclude with an appeal to a more reflexive approach to advocacy work reliant on trauma narratives and highlight feminist methodologies that have been successful in bringing marginalized narratives to the center of human rights discussions. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Social Justice and Human Rights 2011

This thesis examines how the relationships between women, inside and outside the international women's organization for professionally working women – Soroptimist International – is informed by proximity and distance, which orientates the organization in the direction of a multiculturalism informed by imperial feminism. Focus lies on the organizations use of terms such as “sister” and “professional woman”, and the imagined benefits and responsibilities of being a soroptimist. The thesis is centered on interviews with members from Soroptimist International Sweden, which is seen as a microlevel of the international organization. By interviewing members and comparing the statements with some of the official documents produced by the organization, I also examine the relation between policy and practice. Drawing on the affect theories of Sara Ahmed regarding emotions and bodily orientation; postcolonial perspectives on transnational feminism, sisterhood and solidarity; and anthropological perspectives on transnational women's network, I argue that the orientation of Soroptimist International is informed by white middle-class heterosexual women. When working for women's rights as human rights it is furthermore based on a UN discourse, which also orientate the organization in a universally western way. Furthermore, I also show how the network of Soroptimist International is end oriented, which means that its information and knowledge exchange is centered around its members and the expansion of the network, instead of advocacy making on behalf of women that are non-members. This leads to the conclusion that if Soroptimist International wishes to reorient away from its feminist imperialist and multiculturalist elements, it needs to engage with a praxis-oriented solidarity concept. This means obtaining a multifaceted communication between its local and global levels, as well as seizing the many different partial perspectives existing inside as well as outside the organization.

No description available.

本研究為釐清國內與國際非政府組織在臺灣發展關係，從環境與人權倡議議題為範圍討論，從臺灣目前進行環境與人權倡議工作的非政府組織中收集相關訊息，瞭解現今組織之間工作遇到的問題及困難，探討其發生的可能和原因，最後試圖提出研究建議與解決辦法。 奠基非政府組織在臺灣發展出的特殊性，伴隨著民主人權的發展，同時，臺灣環境議題倡議發展相較於其他亞洲國家也成熟許多，在現在全球化時代下的發展，國與國之間的界線也越來越模糊，網路科技的發明，使得交流不再如過去般受到諸多限制，因此也將各區域中相關的非政府組織連結，形成具有槓桿力量的跨國倡議網絡，企圖進而影響國家內部，促使政府能有所作為。 透過文獻分析及深度訪談瞭解組織倡議及發展，深入體會國際非政府組織在臺灣倡議遇到的困難，以及國內非政府組織面對這些問題的兩難，本研究結論，以跨國倡議網絡策略為主軸予以建議，非政府組織之間必須要有溝通的管道，避免資訊不對稱以及產生誤解，減少延誤倡議工作進行的最佳時機點，政府對於外國團體在臺灣人民團體法適應的問題及限制以及外國人在台工作的法規也應該有所彈性或裁量空間，才能開啟更多讓世界看見臺灣的可能性。 / The purpose of this thesis is to explore the relationship between local and international nongovernment organizations on human rights and environmental advocacy issues. To understand these problems and difficulties, research involved conducting in-depth interviews with workers of local and international nongovernment organizations. The purpose of the research is to find out the reasons to explain the problems of the relationship and know how to solve. The thesis concludes with suggestions about how to best develop the transnational advocacy network strategies of Taiwan in the future. As a nation without global recognition of its national status, Taiwan faces with the difficulty of participating international affairs. Through transnational advocacy network including the strategies of symbolic, information, leverage, accountability politics, these NGOs compel the government to make changes. As a result, Taiwan has a greater opportunity to be a contributor in global public affairs. The result of the research is to clarify the relationship, strengths, and weaknesses between local and international nongovernment organizations to cope with the challenges they experience with each other. In conclusion, there are four main suggestions below: 1) Make sure information is communicated across international and local advocacy. 2) Do the things right at the right time. 3) Make a big difference with leverage politics. 4) Focus on the importance of accountability and self-discipline when nongovernmental organizations face international affairs.

1998年在全球各地環保團體、消費者團體、社會正義團體等非政府組織跨國串聯反對下，擊敗了正在經濟合作暨發展組織為了一致化外國直接投資規則進行的多邊投資協定談判，這是非政府組織成功在全球經濟治理領域發揮影響力的重要案例。本論文的研究目的在於探討：第一、反對多邊投資協定談判的非政府組織跨國倡議活動為什麼成功及如何成功；第二、他們反對的理由是什麼；第三、從這個案例來看非政府組織倡議活動正在或將對國際政治經濟決策過程帶來何種程度的衝擊。這個個案研究使用Margaret E. Keck與Kathryn Sikkink的跨國倡議網絡（transnational advocacy network, TAN）理論，分析公民反抗行動如何成功影響在全球層次的政治決策，TAN理論強調議題共鳴、網絡密度、與目標對象脆弱性三種因素的重要性。本論文除了用這三種因素檢視反多邊投資協定運動過程，並發現非政府組織的倡議活動是否能夠與政府力量取得連結的重要性，作為TAN理論的補充。其次，本論文發現反多邊投資協定運動策略性地轉變為以國內為基礎的運動，透過國內爭議政治的傳統反抗手法向政府表達公民的訴求，以避開國際組織對非政府組織不利的政治機會結構，呈現出與TAN理論的「迴力鏢效果」相對立的發展。最後，這個個案研究發現反多邊投資協定運動更接近基於民族主義的傳統政治，而不能說是一種世界主義政治的發展。世界主義論者預期在一個形成中的全球公民社會中國家的角色正在消退，在這個案例中顯然並無法獲得足夠的證明。 / In 1998, a transnational NGO coalition of environmentalist, consumer rights, and social justice activists helped to defeat the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), a draft treaty to harmonize rules on foreign direct investment under the aegis of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). This dissertation addresses why and how the transnational NGO advocacy sank the MAI negotiation, what are their advocacy reasons, and to what extent the transnational NGO advocacy activities will influence and are influencing the international decision making process. This case study uses Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink’s transnational advocacy network (TAN) theory, which stresses the importance of issue resonance, network density, and target vulnerability, to explore how citizen’s resistance struggle succeed in influencing policy at global level. First, in supplementing Keck and Sikkink’s TAN theory, the work suggests whether the NGO advocacy links with its governmental power is also at stake. Second, contrary to the “boomerang effect” from their TAN theory, the work finds that the transnational NGO campaign against MAI strategically shifted to country-based campaigns to address citizen’s claims through traditional repertoire of contention politics, in bypassing unfavorable political opportunity structure in international arena. Finally, the anti-MAI campaign was found to be much closer to traditional politics in a view of nationalism than the alleged cosmopolitan politics, which expects the role of state has eroded in an emerging global civil society.

跨國公司與開發中國家官員之賄賂關係被稱為骯髒聯盟。非國家行為者是形塑與改變國際規範之重要參與者，本研究檢視重點在於國際透明組織為切斷骯髒聯盟之供需關係，如何運用其獨特之跨國倡議網絡模式，透過建立聯盟(coalition-building)途徑，促成國際公約並且改變簽署國之國家行為。該非政府組織影響國際關係之具體成果為1997年簽署之OECD反賄公約，該公約是第一個從供應方(supply-side)切斷跨國商業賄賂鏈之國際規範，其立法歷程與會員國之國家偏好改變足以證明國際透明組織之影響力。 主流學派之結構現實主義者主張國際關係是結構決定論，以強權國家為主要的、具決定性之行為者，國家偏好是外生給定的利益排序。本研究主張以建構主義為基礎之全球反貪運動則是反其道而行，國際透明組織建構之跨國倡議網絡，擅用人氣政治與切身性政治，以合作取代對抗，有效促成已開發國家採取集體行動，簽署OECD反賄公約。當強權之間拒絕改變現狀時，非國家行為者之理念說服行動可以逐一改變國家偏好，進而改變國際規範。在倡議國際反貪議題上，國際透明組織的確是國際新規範之催生者。 本文採案例研究，主體為國際透明組織，客體為OECD反賄公約，交叉運用深度訪談與調查式過程追蹤研究，密集而深入取得相關當事人提供之第一手資料，彌補既有文獻靜態分析之不足。 / Non-state actors are essential participants in shaping and changing international norms. There has been a long-standing practice of a tacit “dirty alliance” between multinational corporations and developing countries officials. This research focuses on Transparency International(TI), which seeks to sever the supply and demand chain relationships of the dirty alliance by mobilizing a unique model of transnational advocacy network (TAN), engaging coalition-building, lobbying for a new set of international norms and persuading the changes of signatory states’ behavior. The fruits are the adoption of the 1997 OECD Anti-Bribery Convention, which is the first supply-side norm to cut off transnational business bribery chain. Both the key events of the legislative process and the changes of state preferences among the signatories validify the argument for the TI’s significant influence. Contrary to mainstream international relations theories such as structural realism claiming structural determinism, predominant role of powerful states, and exogenously given nature of state preferences, this research proves constructivism prevails. TI’s TAN model artistically exercises popularity politics as well as proximity politics, advocates cooperation instead of confrontation against bribe-givers and bribe-takers, and effectively persuades developed countries to take collective actions by adopting and ratifying the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention. While powerful states resist changing the status quo, non-state actors indeed demonstrate their capability of persuading states to change their preferences. TI is entitled to be the midwife in formulating new international norms against transnational corruption. This research applies case study methodology, making TI as the subject and the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention as the object. Diligent analysis and interpretations are based on the cross-references of in-depth interviews and investigative process-tracing method to extract the primary data from relevant parties so as to supplement the deficiencies of the available literatures.