Att fly till ett nytt land innebär för många en stor förändring. Värderingar, språk, kultur ochreligion är annorlunda, och att anpassa sig och hitta sig själv i det nya landet är ett arbete i sig.Skolan är för de unga den första kontakten med det svenska samhället och har därför ett stortansvar för integreringen och att skapa förståelse för det svenska skolsystemet. Skolämnen såsom idrott och hälsa kanske inte prioriteras på samma sätt som i hemlandet, och specielltflickor med muslimsk tillhörighet har visat sig ha svårare att nå målen i detta ämne. Jag hardärför i denna studie valt att undersöka vilka möjligheter och begränsningar muslimskaflickor upplever att de har med att nå målen i idrott och hälsa. Detta gjordes genom enkvalitativ intervjustudie med åtta muslimska flickor som läser efter högstadiets läroplan. Minaresultat av dessa intervjuer blev bland annat att flickorna vill utvecklas inom ämnet, attmuslimska pojkar utgör en begränsning för dem i denna utveckling, och att lärarnasbemötande av flickorna fungerar som en nyckel för att kunna nå målen.

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The purpose of this dissertation is to identify how can a focus on the ethical notion of dignity and respect for autonomy help to improve health care for elderly people in Islamic countries. An ethic for aging relies on the principle that the losses of age do not detract from a person’s essential autonomy. Thus, care should be provided without assuming that older people are different from those of other ages. It is possible to determine that ethical values are similar in Islamic cultures as well as, Western countries. But these values are often neglected when people face the need to provide health care to the elderly people. This dissertation provides a critical evaluation of the current view and application of the ethical concepts of dignity and respect for autonomy in Islamic countries including the ethical challenges that elderly people encounter in health care. The study focuses on three parts; first it will provide a general introduction to the bioethics in Islamic countries and its relation to Islamic law (Sharia). The argument is that human dignity does exist in the Islamic religion; however, the application and the functions of the concept in elderly health care are disregarded, due to the cultural understanding and interpretations of the concept. This have led health care providers and societies in Islamic countries to miss the momentum of implementing a strong old-age health and social support system that can maintain elderly people dignity and respect for autonomy, and meet their health care needs. The outcomes mandate further examination towards building greater consciousness of treatment and healing, towards the intellectual and cultural adjustment of health practices. The second part presents the applications of both concepts in Western countries, including their functions and meaning. The arguments characterize the notions of dignity regardless of age. It will identify how dignity is associated with respect for autonomy; thus, dignity and respect for autonomy should be a core value in health care practice. The third part analyses the differences and the deficiencies of the application of both ethical concepts to elderly health care in Islamic countries versus Western countries. The arguments will demonstrate how the application of the ethical principle of respect for autonomy in Islamic countries fails to acknowledge Beauchamp and Childress's principle of respect for autonomy. The analysis will help on understanding the major opportunities for and barriers to successful shift in the Islamic countries in regards to elderly health care and the overall process of aging. The challenge is to make sure that all health care providers have the capabilities to convey appropriate care and treatment with respect and appreciation to the elderly individuals’ dignity. It will suggest adopting several advantageous approaches that arose in the West and worldwide, and modifying it according to Islamic culture to improve elderly health care. The results justifies that the notions of dignity and respect for autonomy can help to improve elderly health care in Islamic countries. Concluding that in Islamic countries, a considerable measure of research, education, and preparation are all needed in the sphere of geriatrics to meet today’s health challenges associated with the increasing of elderly population. A need for adopting a fresh perception on an analytical gerontology and a respected devoted approach that aims to comprehend ageing process and requirements to change for the better. / McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts; / Health Care Ethics / PhD; / Dissertation;

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / Since the early 20th century, persons across the Muslim world have attempted to move their society toward a more religious Islamic path. They have attempted to form political parties and participate in elections, only to be marginalized and repressed. Some have reacted violently, carrying out attacks against government officials and other targets. Typically a cycle of violence, repression and political exclusion transpires. Democratic reform is not uncomplicated. Both practical considerations and moral ones demand changes in the policies of both the United States and Egypt. The Egyptian government's electoral engineering and interference does not go unnoticed by the world and undermines the legitimacy of the government to its own citizens and the world community alike. Co-opting moderate Islamists may seem threatening to President Mubarak as well as to Western countries, whose public continues to embrace Orientalist ideas. This study maintains that when moderate Islamists are allowed to participate in politics, they will restrain their stances regarding strict interpretations of Islam, as have the New Islamists in Egypt. The alternative is the status quo, which aside from being immoral in terms of personal liberty is also not workable for those desiring stability in the Middle East. / Major, United States Air Force

This thesis will demonstrate that women and women's groups in the Muslim world could be a strong ally in reducing the influence and spread of Islamist ideologies. Women and women's organizations have proven that they are effective in resisting the impact of Islamism and have been able to role back some of its repressive policies as evidenced by the case studies of Iran, Algeria, and Afghanistan. Women and women's organizations or feminist groups are currently active in the Muslim world already and are a growing voice in the region. Therefore, it is of vital interest to the United States Government to engage these groups and women's interests as a means of challenging the spread of Islamist ideology and enlisting them in the war of ideas. / US Army (USA) author.

The Uyghurs are a Muslim population in the Xinjiang province in Northwest China. They have been agitating for independence almost since the formation of the PRC. Like many minorities in Central Asia, the Uyghurs have a long history that includes much violence. Significantly, the Uyghur have not embraced Islamic fundamentalism in any meaningful way. Though there are limited examples of fundamentalism in Xinjiang, the population as a whole does not support it, even though their goals of independence are the same. The reason the Uyghurs have not embraced fundamentalism is because their sense of nationalism is stronger, relatively speaking, than their Islamic identity. The Uyghurs' nationalism, as well as their unique Islamic identity, was forged by a millennium of struggle, self-determination, oppressive rule, and external influence -- among many other factors. These forces have culminated in a modern Uyghur identity, one that values self-determination above all else. / US Navy (USN) author.

By the eleventh century, the conduct of jurisprudence in the Mālikī school of law – one of four that would survive in Sunni Islam – was predicated on a legal system that comprised a particular set of sources: mainly, the positive legal rules posited by Mālik b. Anas (d. 179/795) and a few of his subsequent adherents, and ḥadīth and Qur᾽an. The structure of the legal system was one in which these sources were conceived to cohere analogically. By analogy, they could be correlated to each other and thereby systematically rationalized, and new rules to govern new cases generated from, and added to, them. This study recovers the antecedents of that system and describes the main stages of the process by which Mālikī jurisprudence acquired the systematic character of its classical form. It provides a re-assessment of Mālik’s own jurisprudence and of the role of precedent and ḥadīth in the Medinese tradition, arguing that the origins of systematic thought in the Mālikī tradition are to be sought in Mālik’s retrospective rationalizations by analogy of rules pronounced nonetheless from arbitrary considerations. I distinguish the mode of analogy that Mālik employed to this effect (tashbīh) from that which his Iraqi contemporaries and the later classical schools employed ostensibly to derive rules from sources ab initio (qiyās). Mālik, I contend, in fact opposed qiyās because it threatened to undermine the sufficiency of juristic discretion by imposing systematic constraints on the personal reasoning of authoritative arbiters. I show how subsequently the Mudawwanah, a work compiled by Mālik’s ninth-century followers in the Islamic West, promoted the formation of a legal system by subjecting Mālik’s teaching and his students’ ramifications of it to a Ḥanafite design by which they became susceptible of analysis along analogical lines. The system implicit in the Mudawwanah is structurally but not yet materially classical. It remained for the Western Mālikīyah, through their encounters in the East with Shāfi῾ite legal theory in the later tenth century, to absorb into the fabric of their system, which so far comprised only the positive rules of the tradition itself, the revealed sources from which, by qiyās, al-Shāfi῾ī (d. 204/820) in the early ninth century had insisted the law be derived. As background to this theory of systematization, I also address inter alia the following questions, which bear in one way or another on our appreciation of Mālik’s jurisprudence and/or the extent to which we may suppose it to be accessible in the recensions of the Muwaṭṭa᾽: the transmission of the vulgate in ninth-century Andalus; the reception of Mālik’s doctrine in Iraq (as perceived through the Muwaṭṭa᾽ of al-Shaybānī – in particular, the editorial principles that informed its composition – and the Ḥujjah ῾alá ahl al-Madīnah); other recensions and the possibilities for a chronology of Muwaṭṭa᾽āt; representation of Mālik’s doctrine in the Ikhtilāf Mālik wa-al-Shāfi῾ī; the way in which Mālik transmitted the Muwaṭṭa᾽ as an explanation of variation between its recensions.

Due to the actions of radicals and extremists, many in the West have come to view Islam as a religion of gender inequality that perpetuates the severe oppression of women. However, there is actually great variation in women’s rights across Muslim countries. This thesis presents a theoretical framework seeking to explain this variation, by examining differences in family law. The theory supposes that variation can be explained by the strategic actions of political leaders. From this theory, I hypothesize that the variations in women’s rights come from the variation in family law, which in large, are due to the existence of groups threatening the power of the political leaders, and the leader’s subsequent understanding of this threat. Using a most similar systems research design, I examine 4 moderate Muslim countries, Turkey, Tunisia, Morocco, and Egypt. Through case study research, I find limited support for the above hypothesis.

Kurdish ulema, a religious class with a strong influence on Kurdish social life, have developed various forms of religious nationalism. This study offers a possible reading of the accounts of Kurdish ulema during the Turkish Republican period, as a neglected form of Kurdish nationalism. I illustrate how they defined the Kurdish nation in the name of religion, supplied religious metaphors and symbols central to the representation of the Kurdish nation, and even produced an alternative to secular nationalism by sharing the underlying grammar of modern nationalism. This calls into question the concept of Kurdish nationalism as something uniform and secular. Such accounts of religious nationalism were largely suppressed in modern Kurdish history writing under Marxist influences. Since the 1940s, this historiography often marginalized the narratives of Kurdish ulema by setting them apart from Kurdish national struggle. This project provides the first in-depth analysis of the role of Kurdish ulema in the story of the development of Kurdish nationalism during the Turkish Republican period (1920s-1990s). My analysis challenges the dichotomy in the Kurdish nationalist historiography that Islamic and Kurdish identities are exclusive of one another. Kurdish ulema combined their Islamic identity with a strong sense of Kurdish national consciousness. Some envisioned the Kurdish nation’s liberation in education, some in joining secular national movements, some in conformity with Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood and some in political Islamic resistance. I emphasize that Kurds, whether secular or religious, formed a united front against Kurdish regional underdevelopment, exclusivist state policies, and exploitative sheikhs as late as the late 1960s. There has been an overlap between opposing Kurdish groups and the division between them was not primordial. These initially similar concerns, however, were gradually shaped by different popular ideologies of their day: nationalism, Marxism, and Islamism, in Turkey and around the world.

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