The aim of this thesis is to answer the research question as to whether post-election antigovernment actions lead to increased probability of incumbent being replaced. The theoretical argument is that the anti-government groups can choose to use violence or non-violence to force the government to give concessions, the ultimate one being replacement of the incumbent. Both violence and non-violence are argued to have a positive effect on the probability of this to happen, but the latter should be stronger. Two hypotheses capture this: H1: Anti-government violence increases the incumbent’s probability of being replaced. H2: Anti-government non-violence increase the incumbent’s probability of being replaced more than anti-government violence does. Using a logistic regression on 550 elections compiled from the NELDA and ECAV datasets, the first hypothesis is not supported due to lack of statistical significance across the models. The second hypothesis is supported as the non-violent independent variable receives statistically significant results, but these do not hold in the robustness test. Taking into account the suggestions from previous literature, the results do hint towards non-violence being the more successful option of action, but it cannot be concluded with certainty.

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With the election of President Barack Obama, the United States has seen a steady increase in the number of right-wing militia groups. The Southern Poverty Law Center and the Department of Homeland Security have claimed that the various militia groups are a dangerous domestic terrorism threat. Law enforcement perceptions of the threat that these militia groups pose served as the focus of inquiry in this multiple case study. These perceptions were explored through the theoretical frameworks of groupthink, Credulous Bayesianism, and nudge theory. A purposeful sample of 12 local sheriffs in Texas were interviewed in an attempt to identify common themes regarding their perceptions of militia groups. Two common themes emerged from the interviews, which showed that sheriffs' firsthand knowledge and experience with members of the militia were instrumental in their approach to militias. If sheriffs had direct contact with the militia, then they did not believe that it posed a threat to society. However, if sheriffs did not have firsthand experience with the militia and depended on the media for their opinions, then they followed the narrative that the militia groups are dangerous. This research project showed that sheriffs' direct interaction with the militia can decrease law enforcement's fear of militia groups, allowing sheriffs to detect, investigate, and prosecute any actual threats from militia groups to make their communities safer while protecting the rights of all citizens.

This thesis explores the role of rap music as a platform for articulating anti-government discourse in Turkey between 2014 and 2019. Employing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis (MCDA) to examine two specific rap songs from the period – Rant Hilafeti (The Caliphate of Profit) by Ozbi and #SUSAMAM (#ICANNOTBESILENT) by Şanışer and eighteen other artists –, the study delves into how the various commodities forming rap music – lyrics, visuals, and musical sounds – collaborate to construct and convey this counter-hegemonic narrative. The thesis posits that rap music gained prominence during this period as a powerful tool for dissent, owing to its ability to resonate with marginalised groups and challenge the dominant narratives propagated by the government. Leveraging CDA and MCDA methodologies, the analysis exposes how the songs utilise linguistic, musical, and visual strategies to critique government policies, challenge authority figures, and galvanise resistance among listeners. The findings underscore the significance of rap music as a form of political expression and its influence on public discourse. The analysis highlights rap's capacity to bridge individual experiences with broader societal issues, fostering a sense of collective identity and resistance among marginalised communities. By examining the specific case of rap music, the thesis contributes to a broader understanding of the nexus between music and social movements in the Turkish contemporary political landscapes.