Lai, Pak Kin Patrick. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-146). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Definition of Stone Spade --- p.2 / Chapter 1.2 --- Importance of Stone Spade Research --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- Structure of the Thesis --- p.6 / Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.7 / Chapter 2.1 --- The Neolithic Chronology in Hong Kong --- p.7 / Chapter 2.2 --- Lithic studies: Typological Analysis and Functional Analysis --- p.12 / Chapter 2.3 --- Chaine Operatoire and Cognitive Archaeology --- p.26 / Chapter 2.4 --- Research on Stone Spades --- p.34 / Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND METHODOLOGY --- p.37 / Chapter 3.1 --- Research Questions --- p.37 / Chapter 3.2 --- Fieldsite specification --- p.38 / Chapter 3.3 --- Research methods --- p.41 / Chapter 3.4 --- Use Wear Analysis --- p.43 / Chapter CHAPTER 4 T --- HE YUNG LONG NORTH ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSEMBLAGE --- p.52 / Chapter 4.1 --- Yung Long and the surrounding area --- p.52 / Chapter 4.2 --- Lithic assemblage of Yung Long North (YLN) --- p.55 / Chapter 4.3 --- Correlation Tests on Selected Artefacts --- p.67 / Chapter 4.4 --- Results of Use Wear Analysis --- p.78 / Chapter 4.5 --- Preliminary Summary --- p.96 / Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- THE CHAINE OPERATOIRE OF STONE SPADES AND THE LITHIC ASSEMBLAGE FROM YUNG LONG NORTH --- p.99 / Chapter 5.1 --- Lithic Manufacturing as Part of the Cultural Development --- p.99 / Chapter 5.2 --- What are the choices selected in the design and planning of lithic manufacturing? --- p.101 / Chapter 5.3 --- Standardisation --- p.110 / Chapter 5.4 --- What is the function of stone spades and its relationship with agriculture? --- p.118 / Chapter 5.5 --- Where to Discard? ´ؤ the Cognitive Map on Space Utilisation --- p.127 / Chapter 5.6 --- What subsistence strategies are reflected in the lithic assemblage? --- p.128 / Chapter 5.7 --- How the manufacturing is organized? --- p.130 / Chapter 5.8 --- What is the Cultural Development represented in the Late Neolithic Yung Long? --- p.134 / Chapter 5.9 --- Conclusion --- p.135 / Chapter 5.10 --- Some final remarks --- p.137 / REFERENCES --- p.139 / APPENDIX A --- p.147 / APPENDIX B --- p.160 / List of Tables / Table 3.1 Average dimension of adzes and roughouts from YLN / Table 4.1 Counts of the whole Late Neolithic lithic assemblage from YLN / Table 4.2 Correlations of 20 Spades from Late Neolithic YLN / Table 4.3 Correlations of 41 regular adzes from Late Neolithic YLN / Table 4.4 Correlations of 71 adzes from Late Neolithic YLN / Table 4.5 Adze measurements from YLN and SKSH (after Chan 2005) / "Table 4.6 Correlations of summarized adze typologies (Regular, Single-Shouldered and Double Shouldered adzes) from Late Neolithic YLN and SKSH" / Table 4.7 Correlations of 35 Projectile Points from Late Neolithic YLN / Table 4.8 Correlations of 11 Yues from Late Neolithic YLN / Table 4.9 Correlations of 12 Netsinkers from Late Neolithic YLN / Table 4.10 Correlations of 16 Picks from Late Neolithic YLN / Table 4.11 Correlations of 29 Hammerstones from Late Neolithic YLN / Table 4.12 Use wears on replicas after task-oriented experiments / Table 5.1 Comparison among the Late Neolithic lithic assemblages around Yung Long (North) (Ng Ka Yuen and Chan Ka Yuen: after Au 2004) / List of Figures / "Figure 1.1 Hong Kong in its regional setting (Source: Lands Department, HKSAR 2010)" / Figure 4.1 Bar Chart Showing the Number of Pieces of Implements from YLN in terms of materials / Figure 4.2 Pie Chart showing the Percentage of Implements Materials from YLN / Figure 4.3 Pie Chart showing the Percentage of Implements Types from YLN / Figure 4.4 Radar Diagram of 20 Spades Measurements from YLN / Figure 4.5 Radar Diagram of Adze Measurements from YLN and SKSH (after Chan 2005) / Figure 4.6 Radar Diagram of 71 Adzes Measurements from YLN / Figure 4.7 Radar Diagram of 35 Projectile Points Measurements from YLN / Figure 4.8 Radar Diagram of 11 Yue Measurements from YLN / Figure 4.9 Radar Diagram of 12 Netsinkers from YLN / Figure 4.10 Radar Diagram of 16 Picks Measurements from YLN / Figure 4.11 Radar Diagram of 29 Hammerstones Measurements from YLN / Appendices / Chapter Appendix A --- Artefact Statistics / Chapter Appendix B --- Maps and Plates

No description available.

Ochre is a ubiquitous artefact in Middle Stone Age (MSA) contexts throughout Africa and the Near East. Archaeological evidence for the abrasive processing of ochre to extract pigment powder becomes increasingly prevalent after 100 ka. The habitual exploitation of ochre is interpreted as evidence for symbolism, a proxy for the origin of language and as a key element of ‘symbolic’ and ‘modern’ human behaviour. Evolutionary explanations agree that ochre and the products of its processing played a significant role in the adaptive strategies of early modern humans, but they differ in the functions assigned to it. I therefore ask the following question: What role did symbolic and functional applications of ochre play in the enhancement of prehistoric technology, and how may these have functioned to promote and maintain social relations within MSA Homo sapiens societies? With the aim of answering this question, I follow a chaîne opératoire approach to elucidate the exploitation of ochre during the MSA. First, I present the results of an experimental study devised to infer the methods employed to process ochre. It is demonstrated that functional data derived from actualistic experiments can enhance our understanding prehistoric behaviour. Second, I describe one of the oldest instances of a deliberate engraving on ochre at 100 ka to 85 ka. I consider the possibility that specific types of raw material were selected for engraving purposes and expand on whether all engraved depictions inevitably functioned in ‘symbolic’ contexts. The third objective entails the evaluation of an often cited functional hypothesis for ochre, namely the use of red ochre as a ‘hide-tanning’ ingredient. I also introduce and discuss three further functional hypotheses, namely those concerning the use of ochre as a form of mineral supplementation and detoxification agent, as a sunprotection element and as an insect repellent. Ethnoarchaeological research has proven to be informative in terms of revealing a range of functional uses for red ochre. I therefore consider how data derived from the Ovashimba of northern Namibia can enhance current understandings of ochre use in the MSA. I propose that in order to assess any hypothesis concerning the exploitation of ochre in the MSA methodically and in a scientific manner, it is necessary to engage with the theories and analytical methods of cognitive and technical sciences not normally viewed as applicable to archaeological enquiry.

This dissertation offers an archaeologically and art historically grounded inquiry into the actuality, form, and meaning of human sacrifice from the Bronze Age through the Hellenistic period. It opens with a critical, up-to-date review of the corpus of proposed archaeological evidence for human sacrifice in the Minoan, Mycenaean, and Greek civilizations, wherein it is argued that rituals of this kind were rare but nevertheless a historical reality, performed in special or extraordinary circumstances at least until the Late Archaic period. The rarity of human sacrifice in the archaeological record is a direct expression of its exceptional nature; the unmatched potency of sacrificing a human being was necessitated only in the most unusual or extreme situations: to quell the unyielding wrath of the gods or to honor a deceased person who was imagined as possessing superhuman stature. The evidence of individual cases of human sacrifice indicates that the ritual could take a variety of forms, some involving heightened degrees of violence. After arguing for the historicity of human sacrifice, the dissertation shifts to a comprehensive analysis of artistic representations of human sacrifice, with a particular interest in their ritual aspect. These images, it is argued, should be interpreted in several, mutually inclusive ways – not only as metaphors or conceptual foils to sacrificial norms, but also as ritually plausible representations of a phenomenon that seems to have existed at least into the later sixth century BCE. Apart from a small group of Bronze Age seals decorated with motifs possibly associated with human sacrifice, the first secure evidence of human sacrificial representations date to the seventh century BCE and continue through to the end of the Hellenistic period. Like the archaeological cases, the visual sources form a comparatively small corpus. The subject matter is exclusively mythical and almost entirely drawn from myths of Polyxena and Iphigeneia; only rarely do artists explicitly represent the bloody violence of sacrifice. Images of the death blow are almost exclusively produced in the Archaic era – a time during which there is contemporary archaeological evidence for human sacrifices in funereal contexts – and involve only Polyxena. Interestingly, the cessation of material evidence is contemporaneous with a shift in the iconography toward the emotionally pregnant moments leading up to the sacrifice. The roughly 100-year overlap between the archaeological and visual evidence presents the possibility that artists drew upon elements of known instances of human sacrifice, or at the very least the two forms of evidence are indirectly related, in that both are inspired by myth. While human sacrifice does not seem to have persisted into the Classical period and beyond, artists continued, as they had in the Archaic period, to construct ritually plausible images with compositional analogues in other, highly codified iconographies, most notably those of animal sacrifice and the wedding. In this way, even as artists began to explore ever more the conceptual and symbolic dimensions of these sacrificial myths, they continued to invest them with a reality and an immediacy that far outlived the ritual’s practical existence.

This section is a statement on the reason behind my conducting archeological excavations in West Canyon. In light of the large collections which had come out of the area, it was deemed important to excavate before any further destruction of sites in the canyon took place in order to establish, if possible, the cultural affiliations of the prehistoric inhabitants of that area. It was felt before excavation began that there was enough evidence already on hand to suggest Fremont culture affiliation, but this was not sufficient to demonstrate the same with confident conclusiveness. A second goal was to obtain a knowledge of the structural design used by the inhabitants of West Canyon insofar as it could be determined by excavation. A third aim was to locate evidence of agricultural activity in a demonstrable form. As previously mentioned Mr. Hutchings had some charred corn cobs in his display case which reportedly came from West Canyon, but these are not displayed or visibly recorded in association with other specific features of a specifically designated site as they appear in the display, so that the associations remain in question. A fourth project was a survey of the area to determine the extent of occupation and as well as the kinds of occupation, whether they were sedentary groups with definite evidences of sedentary constructions and activities, or nomadic groups whose habitation of the area was transitory. An extension of this same problem was a determination of the overall economic activity if possible, of either kind of group. As suggested in the introduction, I believe the previous archeological work that has been conducted in the canyon has not been sufficient to date. Therefore it was my goal to complete a general research in what must be considered a previously untested area. It is unfortunate that with so much activity of this kind in West Canyon, I must use the term "untested area".

No description available.

An understanding of the physical and chemical nature of archaeological textiles is an important prerequisite for their successful conservation treatment, display and storage. Ancient Egyptian linen textiles were examined through a combination of optical microscopy, environmental scanning electron microscopy (ESEM), ion chromatography (IC), and energy dispersive X-ray analysis (EDXA). These analytical techniques were used to distinguish between flax fibres, foreign matter present on and within flax fibres, and natron or other salts absorbed into the linen fibres in a form of partial mineralization. The use of ESEM enabled the observation and recording of the movement of salts, in real time, during cycles of hydration and dehydration. Few studies have been undertaken to date on the dynamics of salt crystallisation within organic archaeological materials, and none previous to this has been published showing the dynamics of salt crystallisation within archaeological textiles. Once the dynamics of salt crystallisation were viewed and recorded it became possible to investigate methods for the treatment of salt affected textiles through washing trials followed by alternative methods of drying. The release of salts from linen samples during washing in deionized water was monitored using IC and ESEM with EDXA, showing the pattern of salt removal and retention. The use of IC, ESEM and EDXA to monitor salt removal in textiles has not previously been reported. A conservation treatment for ancient Egyptian linen was developed, incorporating a long water washing to remove salts, soils and organic deposits, followed immediately by carefully controlled freeze drying. This was effective in preserving the integrity of the ancient linen. By combining archaeological, historical and chemical data, this pilot study of the effects of salts upon and within linen textiles has widened our understanding of the role played by salts in both the deterioration and the preservation of the textiles. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Aboriginal Australian heritage forms a significant and celebrated part of Australian heritage. Set within the institutional frameworks of a predominantly ??white?? European Australian heritage practice, Aboriginal heritage has been promoted as the heritage of a people who belonged to the distant, pre-colonial past and who were an integral and sustainable part of the natural environment. These controlled and carefully packaged meanings of Aboriginal heritage have underwritten aspects of urban Aboriginal presence and history that prevail in the (previously) colonial city. In the midst of the city which seeks to cling to selected images of its colonial past urban Aboriginal heritage emerges as a significant challenge to a largely ??white??, (post)colonial Australian heritage practice. The distinctively Aboriginal sense of anti-colonialism that underlines claims to urban sites of Aboriginal significance unsettles the colonial stereotypes that are associated with Aboriginal heritage and disrupts the ??purity?? of the city by penetrating the stronghold of colonial heritage. However, despite the challenge to the colonising imperatives of heritage practice, the fact that urban Aboriginal heritage continues to be a deeply contested reality indicates that heritage practice has failed to move beyond its predominantly colonial legacy. It knowingly or unwittingly maintains the stronghold of colonial heritage in the city by selectively and often with reluctance, recognising a few sites of contested Aboriginal heritage such as the Old Swan Brewery and Bennett House in Perth. Furthermore, the listing of these sites according to very narrow and largely Eurocentric perceptions of Aboriginal heritage makes it quite difficult for other sites which fall outside these considerations to be included as part of the urban built environment. Importantly this thesis demonstrates that it is most often in the case of Aboriginal sites of political resistance such as The Block in Redfern, the Aboriginal Tent Embassy in Canberra and Australian Hall in Sydney, that heritage practice tends to maintain its hegemony as these sites are a reminder of the continuing disenfranchised condition of Aboriginal peoples, in a nation which considers itself to be postcolonial.

A metalsmith�s ability to turn stone into metal and mould metal into useable objects, is one of the most valuable production industries of any society. The conception of this metallurgical knowledge has been the major catalyst in the development of increasing socio-political complexity since the beginning of the Bronze Age (Childe, 1930). However, when considering the prehistory of Southeast Asia, especially Thailand, it is noted that the introduction of metallurgical activity, namely copper and bronze technology, did not engender the increase in social complexity witnessed in other regions. It is suggested that the region is anomalous in that terms and concepts developed to describe and define Bronze Ages by scholars working in other regions, lack strict analogues within Southeast Asia. Muhly (1988) has famously noted the non-compliance of Southeast Asia to previous models, "In all other corners of the Bronze Age world-China, Mesopotamia, Anatolia, the Aegean and central Europe-we find the introduction of bronze technology associated with a complex of social, political and economic developments that mark the rise of the state. Only in Southeast Asia, especially in Thailand and Vietnam, do these developments seem to be missing" (Muhly, 1988:16). This "rise of the state" is associated with the development of hierarchy, inequality, and status differentiation, evidence for which, it is argued, is most explicitly articulated in mortuary contexts (Bacus, 2006). Evidence would include an intra-site restriction in access to resources, including prestige goods, and ranking, a vertical differentiation, often related to interment wealth. Thus the introduction of metallurgical technology saw copper and other prestige goods, used to entrench authority and advertise status (Coles and Harding; 1979). Such evidence has so far been absent in Bronze Age, Southeast Asian contexts. Accordingly, the usefulness of the term "Bronze Age" for describing and defining Southeast Asian assemblages has been questioned (White, 2002). However, the Ban Non Wat discovery of wealthy Bronze Age interments, with bronze grave goods restricted to the wealthiest, has furrowed the brow of many working in the region, providing evidence to at least reconsider this stance. Despite its obvious importance in shaping Bronze Age societies around the globe, and now, significance in Northeast Thailand, very little is known of the acceptance, development, and spread of tin-bronze metallurgical techniques during the prehistory of Southeast Asia. Only a handful of investigations of archaeological sites in the region have investigated the use of metals beyond macroscopic cataloguing. Utilising an agential framework, the Ban Non Wat bronze metallurgical evidence has been investigated as an entire assemblage, from the perspective of the individual metalsmith, in order to greater understand the industry and its impact upon the society incorporating the new technology. Furthermore, mortuary data is investigated by means of wealth assessment, as an insight into social form throughout the corresponding period of adoption, development and spread of metallurgy. The bivalent study of society and technology has shed light on the development of socio-political, and economic complexity during Bronze Age Southeast Asia, and in doing so, outlined the direct impact the metalsmiths themselves had on the supply, spread and functioning of their important industry. Variabilities in grave �wealth,� have been identified at Ban Non Wat. A further situation not previously encountered in Bronze Age Southeast Asia, is the restriction of bronze goods, in death, to differentiated, wealthy individuals. The existence of such individuals suggests that society during this period was rather more complex than regional precedents would suggest. I contend that it is the introduction of metallurgy, and in particular, the nature in which it was conducted that engendered these developments. Therefore, when considering the traditional course of developing social-political complexity during the Bronze Age, it now seems that Thailand at least, is potentially, not that anomalous.

This thesis describes a systemic approach to the study of shell remains, using material from the site of Shag Point (J43/11), in North Otago. This approach analyses the relationship between sampling, identification, quantification, and site formation processes. An historical and methodological framework is used to assess the analysis of shell-bearing deposits in New Zealand, and provide innovative solutions to bias. Historical research outlines the common research methods in New Zealand, which are relevant to Shag Point. Methodological research outlines the range of potential research methods used in the study of shell-bearing deposits. Reviewing the data from Shag Point, sampling, identification, quantification, and site formation processes are used to assess the quality of data from the site. Data from coastal sites are commonly used to generate regional level syntheses. These syntheses do not deal with all of the possible sources of bias in shell-bearing deposits. Cumulative sampling is used to assess representativeness. The data from Shag Point are indicative of a representative sample. The site is compared to three other coastal southern South Island assemblages: the nearby Shag River Mouth, Pleasant River, and Pounawea. The data from Shag River Mouth may be representative; the same cannot be said for the Pleasant River and Pounawea archaeological assemblages, thus hampering regional-level syntheses.