During Apartheid, the history subject in South African national education and the use of history served as fuel both for apartheid as well as for counterhistoriography. Afterthe 1994 elections, the official debate used phrases like "reconciliation through truth" and "knowledge about the past" in order to"move on". The national institution the Truth and Reconciliation Commission advocated a shared understanding of the past for promoting reconciliation. Considering historiography’s earlier contested use, one might expect the history subject in post-apartheid national education would be emphasised as very important, serving as an important tool for the general shaping of South African identity. Earlier research as well as my own study, has shown that this is not the case. From the viewpoint of history teachers in South African schools and through various documents on South African post-apartheid education, it seems that the major shift in South African education is the one to an outcome-based approach (OBE). The approach and the new Curriculum (C2005) seem, in fact, have minimised the history subject to the extent that it is no longer a subject in its own right. In addition, the new Curriculum does not list a specific content, which allows the individual teacher large freedom to teach as much or as little about the past as they like. Moreover, what have been emphasised are subjects like science and technology, as well as learning practical skills of "constitutional value". In addition, phrases like "the new patriotism" and "allegiance to the flag" seems to be a recent way to create and promote a shared South African identity.

Orientador: Marcelo Weishaupt Proni / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T08:14:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cottle_Edward_M.pdf: 2019150 bytes, checksum: 606c1f2485a4d685ad7911f7cbbb190b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: O principal objetivo desta dissertação foi estudar a transformação do setor da construção na África do Sul durante o período 1994-2013, investigando em que medida esse setor foi capaz de transformar a desigualdade social do apartheid e qual foi o impacto sobre as empresas construtoras e sobre a força de trabalho. O setor da construção passou por uma transformação significativa e forte expansão desde o fim do apartheid na África do Sul. Até 1994, o setor da construção, como a maioria dos outros setores da economia, estava constrangido por sanções e políticas raciais que cercearam seu crescimento. Uma constatação importante após o fim do apartheid é a falta de reparação de pendências herdadas da infraestrutura social e econômica, especialmente na prestação de serviços sociais, incluindo a habitação, água e eletricidade. Em consequência de políticas estatais de propriedade negra, junto com a crescente internacionalização das corporações multinacionais no setor da construção, aumentou a monopolização e a desigualdade social dentro do setor. Os enormes gastos de obras públicas, incluindo a Copa do Mundo FIFA 2010, também contribuíram para o processo de elevação da concentração e centralização do capital, incluindo um aumento maciço do exército de reserva de mão de obra. Políticas de Estado têm sido ineficazes para superar o legado do capitalismo excludente e a estratificação do mercado de trabalho pós-1994, mantendo a oferta de mão de obra negra barata herdada do apartheid. O setor é conhecido pelas relações de trabalho precárias. Trabalhadores da construção civil são em grande parte negros, não qualificados e semiqualificados. E são regidos por contratos esporádicos, de duração limitada, por tempo parcial. Na sua maioria, são trabalhadores subcontratados ou trabalhadores com poucos benefícios trabalhistas, com possibilidades limitadas de acesso à formalização e à qualificação. A transformação do setor de construção sul-africano continua tendo como principais beneficiárias as multinacionais. Os sindicatos, fechados em sua abordagem reformista ("sindicalismo de negócios"), tornaram-se mais fracos e, como consequência, não têm sido capazes de defender o padrão de vida dos trabalhadores. As opções políticas do governo e a ineficácia das estratégias sindicais resultaram na manutenção de elevadas desigualdades sociais, associadas com uma força de trabalho ainda marcada pelo racismo, com a maior parte dos trabalhadores africanos ¿ vulneráveis e desfavorecidos ¿ trabalhando sob condições precárias de emprego. Palavras-chave: apartheid, setor de construção, trabalho precário, sindicalismo, desigualdade, África do Sul / Abstract: The main objective of this thesis was to study the transformation of the construction sector in South Africa over the period 1994-2013; to investigate to what extent the construction sector has been able to transform apartheid social inequalities and what has been the impact on construction companies and the labour force. The construction sector has undergone significant transformation and marked expansion since the end of apartheid in South Africa. During apartheid the construction sector, like most other economic sectors, was constrained by sanctions and racial policies which curbed its growth. An important reality after the demise of apartheid is the lack of redress of inherited backlogs in social and economic infrastructure, especially in the delivery of social services, including housing, water and electricity. The consequence of state policies of black ownership together with the growing internationalisation of South African construction Multi-National Corporations (MNCs) has increased monopolisation and social inequality within the sector. The massive public works expenditures, including the 2010 FIFA World Cup, have also assisted in the process of increasing the concentration and centralisation of capital, including a massive increase in the reserve army of labour. State policies have been ineffective in overcoming the legacy of apartheid capitalism as the labour market stratification post-1994 maintained the cheap black labour system inherited from apartheid. The sector is renowned for its preferred choice of precarious employment relations. Construction workers are largely black, unskilled and semi-skilled; are casual, part-time, self-employed or employed on limited duration contracts mostly by sub-contractors or labour brokers with little work benefits and limited possibilities of accessing formalised skills training. The transformation of the South African construction sector has as its main beneficiaries the MNCs that also benefited under Apartheid. The trade unions, locked into their reformist "business unionism" approach, have become weaker and, as a consequence, have not been able to defend the living standards of workers. The policy choices of the government and the ineffectiveness of the trade unions have produced more social inequalities within which a continued racialised labour force, and the bulk of vulnerable and disadvantaged African workers in particular, finds itself working under deteriorating employment conditions. Keywords: apartheid, construction sector, transformation, workers, trade unions, inequality, South Africa / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

This thesis in an exploration of political mobilisation and its relation to violence and control in the townships of the Vaal Triangle, South Africa, c.1976 to 1986, with a particular focus on the Vaal Uprising of 1984. It examines the emerging conflict between councillors and local communities and the redrawing of imagined boundaries of community. Councillors were demarcated as a collective group that was perceived to be violating the social contract and were regarded as being obstacles to meaningful political change. The period saw the emergence of a localised discourse around accountability, political legitimacy, transparency, freedom and community. Political subjectivities were influenced by the straddling of everyday experiences of oppression, violence, inequality and poverty on one hand and the impact of ideologies of freedom and liberation on the other. The latter were promoted by the African National Congress in exile, as well as the United Democratic Front, but these organisations did not provide direct leadership. On 3 September 1984 the conflict escalated, sparked by an announcement to increase rent, service tariffs and municipal levies. It led to a large-scale uprising that altered the political and social landscape. It heralded the beginning of the insurrectionary period of the mid-1980s that brought the most sustained challenge to the apartheid regime. The relative success of the uprising in enforcing concessions from local authorities and the departure of councillors from the townships informed subsequent political strategies. The state attempted to win Hearts and Minds with limited reforms but also used heavy-handed repression. Terror began to escalate and state violence further conscientised and radicalised local communities. Youth activists in particular came to believe that the regime could only be overcome if confronted with strategies of political violence. Alleged informers and black policemen came under increasing attack, reflecting a redrawing of boundaries of community and hindering effective policing.

Depuis la fin de l’apartheid, l’Afrique du Sud est entrée dans un vaste processus de reconstruction nationale. Les artistes de théâtre, qui s’étaient pour beaucoup impliqués dans la lutte contre le régime, ont ainsi dû redéfinir leur place au sein du pays. Cette thèse se concentre sur la période de 2004 à 2014 et étudie en particulier l’idéologie et les pratiques de troupes de théâtre professionnelles ayant choisi de mettre leur art au service du développement. Dans une dynamique prescriptive, ces dernières s’attaquent en priorité aux problématiques menaçant de façon immédiate l’équilibre vital de la société sud-africaine, prônant un changement attitudinal et comportemental auprès des publics visés. Constatant les difficultés de l’Afrique du Sud à gérer sa diversité et à effacer les multiples clivages issus de son histoire, les artistes s’emparent également de la question identitaire. Ainsi, les comédiens relaient les diverses perspectives sur le sujet et proposent à leur public de trouver un équilibre entre la reconnaissance des particularismes identitaires et la construction d’une nation fédérée autour de valeurs communes. Enfin, cette pratique artistique a pour vocation de transformer la réalité, constituant ainsi un défi pour tous ceux qui s’y impliquent. En modifiant le statut du spectateur, qui devient participant, les comédiens explorent la dimension performatrice de l’art théâtral. De plus, les artistes eux-mêmes sont confrontés à une exigence de cohérence, qu’il s’agisse de respecter effectivement leur mission en tant que troupe engagée pour le développement, ou d’incarner, au niveau professionnel comme privé, les valeurs qu’ils prônent sur scène. / Since the end of apartheid, South Africa has entered into a vast process of national reconstruction, mobilising diverse constituent parts of its society. Theatre artists, many of whom were involved in the fight against the regime, have had to redefine their role within their country. This thesis focuses on the period of time between 2004 and 2014, and studies in particular the ideology and practices of professional theatre companies that chose to devote their art to the service of development. Following a prescriptive approach, these companies put a priority on tackling issues that represent an immediate threat to the vital balance of South African society, advocating an attitudinal and behavioural change in the target audiences. Observing the difficulties South Africa faces in managing its diversity and overcoming the numerous divisions that are by-products of its history, the artists also take on the question of identity. In this way, the actors present diverse perspectives on the subject and leave it to their audience to find the balance between recognising particular identities and adopting common values to build a truly united nation. Finally, such a theatre aims at transforming reality, therefore challenging the audience and the artists alike. Through modifying the status of the spectator, who becomes a participant, the actors explore the performative dimension of theatrical art. In addition, the artists themselves are confronted with a requirement for coherence, whether this involves respecting their purpose as a company committed to development, or incarnating, in both a professional and private sense, the values which they advocate on stage.

Magister Theologiae - MTh / The purpose of this investigation is to discuss the relevance of Black theology in light of the emergence of reconstruction theology. It offers a critical survey of a range of contributions on this issue, questioning whether scholars who have used Black theology as a form of self description should shift emphasis, from the paradigm of liberation to reconstruction. The significance of this study has to be understood within the context of the proposal to redirect African theological initiatives from liberation theologies to reconstruction theology. The basis for this call was the end of apartheid in South Africa, which signalled the independence of all countries on the African continent. / South Africa

As women in South Africa, it is important for us to understand the nature of our oppression, for it is only after understanding it, can we identify the target of our attack and plan the appropriate strategy and tactics for our struggle. Black women in South Africa suffer three types of oppression. 1. Political oppression, which is common to all blacks in South Africa, ie. the denial of rights to vote for or choose the type of government we want, and the denial of rights as a people in South Africa. 2. Economic oppression as black workers in South Africa. Black women workers are even more exploited than men workers. They are paid lower wages for the same job, are treated as temporary staff and can be fired at anytime especially if they fall pregnant. 3. Social oppression which stems from the idea that women are born inferior to men and therefore have to play an inferior role in society. The socialization process starts at birth and women and men are geared towards certain roles in society. Men most often towards leadership positions and professional jobs and women towards household duties and secretarial jobs. This socialization process continues throughout ones life such that most people accept it as a natural phenomenon and a way of life. Having understood the forms of oppression, we can see that the struggle is not between men and women, where men are seen as the source of our oppression. Nor is it a struggle for mechanical equality between men and women ie. being paid the same wages as men, and having equal status as men in society, because this will mean equality within the present status quo. Our struggle is a struggle between womenand the existing social order. It is a struggle of the oppressed against oppression. Our main weapons in the struggle for liberation are UNITY and ORGANISATION. Unity is realised through common effort, links are forged through collective work and study, through criticism and self-critcism and through action against opression. Organization can be achieved through women's groups and organization. A women's group's first demand should be the clarification of our ideas, to get rid of miscosepts and erroneous ideas concerning the role and liberation of women. A women's group usually tackles the question of social oppresion, but more important, it must be seen as a stepping stone towards involvement in the broader struggle can we destroy the foundations of exploitative society and rebuild society on new foundations. Foundations built on the demands of the FREEDOM CHARTER. “The fundamental struggle is for national liberation of the oppressed people of South Africa, and any women's organization that stands outside this struggle must stand apart from the mass of women. What was realised by the Federation of South African Women was that it would be impossible for women to achieve their rights as women in a society in which so many fundamental rights are denied to both men and women by virtue of their colour and their class. Therefore just as there can be no revolution without the liberation of women, the struggle for women's emancipation cannot succeed without the victory of the revolution".

This booklet is intended to serve as a report-back to those organisations which were party to the Conference for a Democratic Future (CDF) and to those who were unable to be present. It is also intended to act as a guide to action for 1990 and beyond. The CDF was a historic gathering of the forces for change represented by 4600 delegates from over 2100 organisations. These range form Bantustan parties on the one end of the political spectrum to ultra leftist groups on the other end. But perhaps the most significant presence was from organisations like Five Freedoms Forum, NAFCOC, the Hindu Seva Samaj, that of traditional leaders and the hundreds of other community organisations which are rapidly becoming an active component of the mass struggle for change. Also significant was the strong worker representation from a range of trade unions, including eight affiliates of NACTU whose leadership had turned down the invitation to be part of the Conference. The Conference for a Democratic Future was a major step in the overall process of building unity in action and maximising the isolation of the regime. It was, in this sense, not an isolated event. The year 1989 had taken unity in action to new heights with the Defiance Campaign and the mass marches. The process leading up to the CDF was intended td be more important then the Conference itself. Likewise, in the post-Conference period, the follow-up process should be given the importance it deserves. At the end of the day, it is this follow-up process which would determine the actual success or failure of the CDF exercise. The Declaration adopted at the Conference represents the strategic orientation of the broad forces for change. It calls for the intensification of the struggle and for the placing of the question of political power on the agenda of our united mass action. The Conference resolutions collectively contain the elements of a programme of action. Without exception, each resolution is a call to action. The task of all participants of the Conference is to translate these resolutions into Mass United Action. The adoption of the Harare Declaration should act as the starting point of a process which takes its content to the masses of our people in all comers of the country. The demand for the Constituent Assembly should become a popular demand of the people. By adopting the resolution on international pressure, the Conference sends an unambiguous signal to the world community on how the people of South Africa view their role in the struggle to end apartheid. The follow-up to the Conference should also be a continuing search for whatever common ground exists between the broad forces for change. This search must take place not only at a national level, but mere importantly at a regional and local level. Let us bear in mind the words of the Declaration: “The moral appeal of the Democratic Movement has never been greater”. by an MDM delegate on the CDF Convening Committee. / Includes the Harare Declaration: declaration of the OAU Ad-hoc Committee on Southern Africa on the Question of South Africa (Harare, Zimbabwe, August 21, 1989)

Thesis (M.A. (Political Science)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014 / The study was about the South African Communist Party (SACP) and its entry into SA politics after 1990. The main question is whether it should contest elections independently of its Tripartite alliance partners led by ANC in democratic SA. As a democratic country it allows any party to participate in the elections. Given that space SACP can contest and triumph electorally thus assume the reins of government. For SA to become socialist, SACP has to campaign and triumph electorally for this to happen. The study followed a qualitative research paradigm. Purposeful sampling was used to collect data through in-depth interviews with information-rich respondents who have specialist knowledge about the study. Interviews and document analysis were used for data collection. For this reason, open-ended questions in the form of an interview guide were used to solicit information, perceptions and attitudes towards and about SACP. A tape recorder was used to capture information from these interviews. The recorded data was transcribed and coded into themes one by one which in turn formed part of the research portfolio. From the study findings contemporary SACP is a product of the revisionism that has come to characterise the post-Cold War. It is not surprising why the party then is not ready to contest election alone.

M.E.R. Mathivha Centre for Languages, Arts and Culture / MAAS

Die deutschsprachige Minderheit ist aus der Kolonisierung Namibias als „Deutsch Südwest-Afrika“ hervorgegangen. Umfangreiche schriftliche und mündliche Kompetenzen in Deutsch, Englisch und Afrikaans sind üblich. Trotz des Einflusses der Kontaktsprachen gilt das namibische Deutsch im Vergleich zu anderen extraterritorialen Varietäten als standardnah. Meine Dissertation geht mit zwei Studien der Forschungsfrage nach: „Welche soziale Ordnung regiert die mehrsprachige Praxis und sprachliche Variation im Deutschen der deutschsprachigen Minderheit in Namibia?“ Die Selbstangaben der Teilnehmer*innen in der quantitative Fragebogenstudie zeigen eine für eine Minderheit erwartbare Ordnung mit starkem Gebrauch von Deutsch innerhalb der Gemeinschaft und der Verkehrssprachen Englisch und Afrikaans eher mit externen Kontakten. Trotz der Dominanz des Deutschen in der Familie sind auch Englisch und Afrikaans unter anderem durch gemischtsprachige Elternhäuser präsent. Zentraler Teil der Dissertation ist die explorativ-qualitative Diskursanalyse über die Wahrnehmung von Deutsch, Englisch, Afrikaans und der weiteren namibischen Kontaktsprachen Otjiherero, Oshivambo und Nama/Damara. Zentral in der Perzeption der Sprachformen des Deutschen ist eine ideologische Aushandlung zwischen „Reinheit“ und „Vermischung“ durch Entlehnungen. So ist die kontaktgeprägte Variante des Deutschen das distinktive Kennzeichen einer Identifikation als Namibianer*innen gegenüber den Deutschlanddeutschen. Die für die Zugehörigkeit zu Namibia stehende „Vermischung“ des Deutschen mit den Kontaktsprachen geht aber auch mit Befürchtungen eines vermeintlichen Sprachverlusts einher, dem mit einem ideologischen Regime der sprachlichen „Reinheit“ begegnet wird. Dies soll letztlich den Spracherhalt und damit Fortbestand der Minderheit garantieren. / The German-speaking minority emerged from the colonization of Namibia as "German Southwest Africa." Written and oral proficiency in German, English and Afrikaans is common. Despite the influence of contact languages, Namibian German is considered close to standard in comparison to other extraterritorial varieties. My dissertation applied two studies to address the research question: "What social order governs multilingual practice and linguistic variation in German among the German-speaking minority in Namibia?" The self-reports of the participants in the quantitative questionnaire study show an expected order for a minority with a strong use of German within the community and with external contacts more often the lingua franca English and Afrikaans. Despite the dominance of German within the family, English and Afrikaans are also present, especially through mixed-language parental homes. The central part of the dissertation is the exploratory qualitative discourse analysis on the perception of German, English, Afrikaans and the other Namibian contact languages Otjiherero, Oshivambo and Nama/Damara. Central to the perception of German language forms is an ideological negotiation between "purity" and "mixing" through lexical borrowing. Thus, the contact variety of German is the distinctive marker of identification as Namibians vis-à-vis Germany-Germans. However, the "mixing" of German with the contact languages, which stands for belonging to Namibia, is also accompanied by fears of a supposed loss of language, which is countered with an ideological regime of linguistic "purity". This is ultimately supposed to guarantee language preservation and continued existence of the minority.