<p>Essay in political science, C-level by Lisa Kringsberg, spring semester 2007. Tutor: Susan Marton. “Democracy by force – A case study of Iraq”</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to examine how the new Iraq strategy, formed by the United States, is going to effect Iraqs possibilities to become a democracy. To come to any conslusions about this I ask two questions: 1) Did the United States take in considiration what researchers think should improve the possibilities for a country to develop democracy? and 2) Did the United states take in consideration researchers presumptions in relation to Iraqs possibilities to become a democracy?</p><p>My examination is a case study of the Iraq strategy from 2007. By using theories about possibilitys for democarcy I will be able come to a conslusion and thereby fulfill the purpose of my essay.</p><p>The result of my study, and the answer to my questions is that the government of the United States in many cases did take what researchers think should improve the possibilites for a country to develop a democracy in considiration making the Iraq strategy. They did not, in most cases, take the Iraqs possibilites in considiration. It is very hard to come to any conslusion about the effects of the Iraq strategy on Iraqs possibilitys to become a democarcy, but I think that the lack of considiration of the possibilites in Iraq will make the nation building process more difficult.</p>

Essay in political science, C-level by Lisa Kringsberg, spring semester 2007. Tutor: Susan Marton. “Democracy by force – A case study of Iraq” The purpose of this essay is to examine how the new Iraq strategy, formed by the United States, is going to effect Iraqs possibilities to become a democracy. To come to any conslusions about this I ask two questions: 1) Did the United States take in considiration what researchers think should improve the possibilities for a country to develop democracy? and 2) Did the United states take in consideration researchers presumptions in relation to Iraqs possibilities to become a democracy? My examination is a case study of the Iraq strategy from 2007. By using theories about possibilitys for democarcy I will be able come to a conslusion and thereby fulfill the purpose of my essay. The result of my study, and the answer to my questions is that the government of the United States in many cases did take what researchers think should improve the possibilites for a country to develop a democracy in considiration making the Iraq strategy. They did not, in most cases, take the Iraqs possibilites in considiration. It is very hard to come to any conslusion about the effects of the Iraq strategy on Iraqs possibilitys to become a democarcy, but I think that the lack of considiration of the possibilites in Iraq will make the nation building process more difficult.

Syftet med denna studie är att beskriva hur kurdiska kvinnor rekonstruerar könsroller, normer och värderingar i spänningsfältet mellan den kurdiska kulturen och det svenska samhället utifrån en hedersdiskurs. Utifrån syftet har studien diskursanalys som metod och teori med stora, och stundtals nationella, diskurser i fokus. Empirin i studien består av tidigare forskning och sex semistrukturerade intervjuer med kurdiska kvinnor. Kvinnorna i studien deltar fritt oberoende av varandra och de har blivit tillfrågade om de vill delta via bekanta eller på kurdiska forum i sociala medier. Resultatet uppnås genom en kategorisering av den insamlade empirin där fyra olika teman har skapats; Att tillhöra kollektivet, kvinnans möjliga identiteter, våldskapitalet i den kurdiska kulturen och för nationen. Studiens teori och metod består av en diskursanalys inspirerade av Foucault med begreppen identitet, subjektsposition och makt i fokus liksom Bourdieus teori om symboliskt kapital. Inledningen av studien belyser Kurdistans bakgrund och ett perspektiv på det kurdiska samhällets uppbyggnad. Det teoretiska perspektivet är kontextberoende och består av en hedersdiskurs som förekommer på nationell nivå liksom på kollektiv nivå i det kurdiska samhället. Den internationella forskningen kretsar kring patriarkala samhällen med könsroller, våldsnormer och hederskultur i fokus. Den nationella forskningen belyser intersektionella perspektiv utifrån makt, klass och i viss mån etnicitet. Resultatet visar att kvinnan är ett objekt, att våldet är norm och att nationsbyggandet är viktiga principer inom den kurdiska kulturen. Studien problematiserar till viss del även Islams påverkan på den kurdiska kulturen liksom betydelsen av avsaknaden av ett eget moderland för kurder. I studiens slutdiskussion konstateras att Sverige och svenskarna till stor del saknar kulturkompetens vilket skulle kunna vara ett viktigt verktyg för ett framtida samhällsbyggande då flera olika kulturer ska förenas och vävas in i en och samma samhällsgemenskap. Det konstateras också att det behövs mer kunskap kring kulturella skillnader avseende normer och värderingar vilket rimligtvis behöver forskas mer kring för att svenska myndigheter ska kunna förstå hur ett framtida arbete mot hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck ska bedrivas liksom hur verksamheter som främjar jämställdhet ska organisera sitt arbete. / The purpose of this study is to describe how Kurdish women reconstruct gender roles, norms and values in the field between the Kurdish culture and the Swedish society from an honour discourse view. With this purpose the study use discourse-analysis as method and theory with large and occasionally national discourses in focus. Empirical data in this study derives from earlier research and from six semi-structured interviews with Kurdish women. The women of this study participate freely independent of each-other and has been asked if they want to attend via acquaintances or at Kurdish forums in social media. Results are achieved by categorisation of the collected empirical data into four designed themes; to belong to the collective, possible identities for women, violence capital in the Kurdish culture and for the nation. The study´s theory and method consists of a discourse analysis inspired by Foucault with the concepts of identity, subject position and power in focus as well as Bourdieu´s theory of symbolic capital. The introduction of the study elucidates the background of Kurdistan and a perspective on the structure of the Kurdish society. The theoretical perspective is context-dependent and consist of an honour-discourse that exists on a national level as well as on the communal level in the Kurdish society. International research shed light on patriarchal societies with focus on with gender-roles; violence norms and honour-culture. The national research accent intersectional perspectives regarding power, class and to some extent ethnicity. Results show that women are objects, violence is a norm and building of a nation are important principles within the Kurdish culture. The study also problematizes to some extent the influence of Islam on Kurdish culture and that the absence of their own country is of importance. In the concluding discussion it is observed that Sweden and the Swedes substantially lack cultural-competence which could be an important tool for society-development in the future when several different cultures need to be joined together in the same social community. It is also concluded that more knowledge about cultural differences in regards to norms and values is necessary which reasonably should be more studied as Swedish authorities needs to understand how future work against honour-related violence and oppression should be conducted as well as how activities that promotes equality should be organised.

<p>During Apartheid, the history subject in South African national education and the use of history served as fuel both for apartheid as well as for counterhistoriography. Afterthe 1994 elections, the official debate used phrases like "reconciliation through truth" and "knowledge about the past" in order to"move on". The national institution the Truth and Reconciliation Commission advocated a shared understanding of the past for promoting reconciliation. Considering historiography’s earlier contested use, one might expect the history subject in post-apartheid national education would be emphasised as very important, serving as an important tool for the general shaping of South African identity.</p><p>Earlier research as well as my own study, has shown that this is not the case. From the viewpoint of history teachers in South African schools and through various documents on South African post-apartheid education, it seems that the major shift in South African education is the one to an outcome-based approach (OBE). The approach and the new Curriculum (C2005) seem, in fact, have minimised the history subject to the extent that it is no longer a subject in its own right. In addition, the new Curriculum does not list a specific content, which allows the individual teacher large freedom to teach as much or as little about the past as they like. Moreover, what have been emphasised are subjects like science and technology, as well as learning practical skills of "constitutional value". In addition, phrases like "the new patriotism" and "allegiance to the flag" seems to be a recent way to create and promote a shared South African identity.</p>

During Apartheid, the history subject in South African national education and the use of history served as fuel both for apartheid as well as for counterhistoriography. Afterthe 1994 elections, the official debate used phrases like "reconciliation through truth" and "knowledge about the past" in order to"move on". The national institution the Truth and Reconciliation Commission advocated a shared understanding of the past for promoting reconciliation. Considering historiography’s earlier contested use, one might expect the history subject in post-apartheid national education would be emphasised as very important, serving as an important tool for the general shaping of South African identity. Earlier research as well as my own study, has shown that this is not the case. From the viewpoint of history teachers in South African schools and through various documents on South African post-apartheid education, it seems that the major shift in South African education is the one to an outcome-based approach (OBE). The approach and the new Curriculum (C2005) seem, in fact, have minimised the history subject to the extent that it is no longer a subject in its own right. In addition, the new Curriculum does not list a specific content, which allows the individual teacher large freedom to teach as much or as little about the past as they like. Moreover, what have been emphasised are subjects like science and technology, as well as learning practical skills of "constitutional value". In addition, phrases like "the new patriotism" and "allegiance to the flag" seems to be a recent way to create and promote a shared South African identity.

According to Skolverket the aim of history as a subject is to teach the students about different narratives in history. The purpose of this overview is to analyze and compare what earlier research tells us about how World War II is portrayed in textbooks in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. To achieve this purpose we are focusing on a number of narratives. The ability to critically review textbooks is important in the profession because usually the facts that are presented are in the interest of the nation. The material that has been used was found through the databases: Education Research Complete (ERC) and ERIC via EBSCO. The sources have been reviewed and analyzed to make sure that they are relevant for the subject. To narrow the material further we have only used peer-reviewed sources. Furthermore, additional sources have been presented through Google Scholar. The result in this overview tells us about how the countries in question use different narratives as a tool in nation building and the creation of a national identity. Depending on the country the narratives change to either connect or disconnect from other countries and their actions. A lot of the focus in the textbooks deals with things that happen within their own countries borders and the people that live within those borders. On the contrary, other countries and the people within those countries tend to be forgotten, especially in cases such as foundation, suffering and resistance. Concluding the overview,  the different materials used all argue that textbooks play an important role in nation building and the creation of a national identity. Focusing on a number of narratives, the difference in how nations portray the same narratives in different ways to build a national identity is clear. The results presented by the sources opened up for discussions about the relation between the teacher and the textbook as well as how the textbook is used.

This essay delves into the intricate dynamics of Berzelii Park, focusing on the interaction between the mesh fence constructed in 2016 and the Raoul Wallenberg monuments. It examines the fence as a nationalist monument, revealing its transformative impact on the communal space and highlighting its role in shaping memories, identity, and ideological conflicts within the urban landscape. Through qualitative text analysis and theoretical frameworks on monumentality, phenomenology, and bordering, the study navigates layers of exclusion, memory, and identity formation within the park. The collision between nationalist symbolism and the narratives of memory becomes a focal point for nuanced discussions about memory and identity formation. The conclusions of the research questions reveal how the fence transcends its functional simplicity and becomes a symbol of nationalist ideology and exclusionary practices. It interprets the mesh fence in Berzelii Park as a nationalist monument by examining its impact on the park's communal space and the narratives it depicts. Furthermore, the study explores the significance of the fence in relation to the Raoul Wallenberg monuments, complicating the dynamics between these elements in the park's location. The essay provides insight into the complexity of urban spaces and the continual redefinitions of collective identities and memories. / Denna uppsats fördjupar sig i den besvärande dynamiken i Berzelii Park, med fokus på samverkan mellan nätstängslet som restes 2016 och Raoul Wallenberg-monumenten. Den studerar stängslet som ett nationalistiskt monument, avslöjar dess transformativa inverkan på det gemensamma rummet och belyser dess roll i att forma minnen, identitet och ideologiska stridigheter i stadslandskapet. Genom kvalitativ textanalys och teoretiska fackverk rörande monumentalitet, fenomenologi, och gränsdragning navigerar studien i lager av utanförskap, minne och identitetsbildning inom parkens gränser. Kollitionen mellan nationalistisk symbolism och minnets narrativ blir en samlingspunkt för nyanserade diskussioner om minnes- och identitetsskapande. Forskningsfrågornas slutsatser avslöjar hur stängslet överskrider sin funktionella enkelhet och blir en symbol för nationalistisk ideologi och exkluderande metoder. Den tolkar nätstängslet i Berzelii Park som ett nationalistiskt monument genom att undersöka dess inverkan på parkens gemensamma utrymme och de berättelser som stängslet skildrar. Vidare utforskar studien stängslets betydelse i förhållande till Raoul Wallenberg-monumenten, vilket komplicerar dynamiken mellan dessa element på platsen i parken. Uppsatsen ger inblick i stadsrummets komplexitet och ständiga omdefinieringar av kollektiva identiteter och minnen.