As the 29-year Duvalier dictatorship ended in 1986, the emergence of Mouvement Lavalas out of the grassroots organizations of Haiti's poor majority, and election of charismatic priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1990, challenged efforts by Haitian political parties and the U.S. foreign policy establishment to contain the parameters of Haiti's democratic transition. This dissertation examines the politics of Lavalas to determine whether it held a particular conception of democracy that explains the movement's antagonistic relationship with the political parties and U.S. democracy promoters. Using the qualitative methodology of process-tracing outlined in the works of Paul F. Steinberg (2004) and Tulia G. Falleti (2006), this study analyzes primary and secondary sources associated with Aristide and the grassroots organizations across the period of contested democratization from 1986 to 1991, with emphasis on four critical junctures: 1) the rule of the Conseil National du Gouvernement; 2) the government of Leslie Manigat; 3) the military regimes of Henri Namphy and Prosper Avril; and 4) Aristide's 8 months in power before being overthrown on September 29, 1991. This study concludes that there were systematic differences in how Lavalas pursued democracy in Haiti, as contrasted to the political parties and U.S. foreign policy-makers. Evidence indicates that while Lavalas placed emphasis on popular mobilization to challenge Haiti's legacy of authoritarianism, the political parties and U.S. democracy promoters emphasized processes of negotiation and compromise with Haiti's anti-democratic forces. Lavalas was rooted in the long historic struggle of the country's poor masses to, not simply establish procedural democracy, what noted political scientist Robert Dahl calls polyarchy, but to expand the parameters of politics to guarantee the right of all Haitians to participate directly in the process of governing, in order to share more equitably in the distribution of national resources, in what critical scholar William I. Robinson calls "popular democracy."

L'étude suivante constitue une analyse historique des possibilités réelles d'une détente dans les relations franco-allemandes à partir du règlement de la question des réparations en 1924 jusqu'au décès de Gustav Stresemann et au krach boursier de 1929. L'examen porte une attention particulière à l'évolution des relations entre la France et l'Allemagne par le biais de l'étroite collaboration qui s'établit graduellement entre leurs ministres des Affaires étrangères Aristide Briand et Gustav Stresemann. Nous avons traité notre sujet à la lumière de l'historiographie des années 1920 et des sources que nous avons recueillies lors de notre parcours archivistique dans les institutions gouvernementales et militaires en France et en Allemagne. Afin d'appréhender la nature des possibilités offertes dans les relations franco-allemandes, nous avons comparé l'évolution respective de leurs politiques extérieures. Nous avons constaté qu'à partir de 1924, des changements dans la conjoncture internationale font en sorte que la coopération entre les deux pays apparaît désormais nécessaire pour régler les problèmes de l'après-guerre, ce qui pave la voie à l'initiative allemande de sécurité de février 1925. À partir de ce moment, un dialogue franco-allemand va s'établir progressivement, grâce à la collaboration entre les ministres des Affaires étrangères, qui va mener à des succès comme les accords de Locarno et l'entrée de l'Allemagne à la Société des Nations. Toutefois, suite à l'échec d'un règlement global des différends franco-allemands en septembre 1926, la relation de confiance entre les deux ministres va être sérieusement malmenée, empêchant tout nouvel accord aussi important que Locarno jusqu'au décès de Stresemann en 1929. L'analyse comparative de l'évolution des relations franco-allemandes nous a permis d'apporter une nuance significative au courant d'interprétation le plus important sur l'histoire des années 1920. En effet, nous sommes d'accord sur le fait qu'une détente franco-allemande était bien possible entre 1924 et 1929, mais il s'agit d'un processus en deux temps, avec une césure claire à l'automne 1926, suite à l'échec du règlement de Thoiry. Les possibilités offertes aux ministres changent considérablement suite à cette tentative ratée de solution d'ensemble, sans toutefois qu'elles disparaissent complètement. Nous croyons que l'importance de cet événement est sous-estimée par les historiens, et notre étude tend à démontrer qu'il s'agit en fait d'un point tournant dans les relations franco-allemandes. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Détente franco-allemande, Aristide Briand, Gustav Stresemann, Locarno, Thoiry.

La présente thèse propose une recherche sur la tradition textuelle et l’édition critique du discours Εἰς Ῥώμην (En l’honneur de Rome) d’Aelius Aristide (IIe siècle apr. J.-C.). Le discours, prononcé à Rome en 144 apr. J.-C., est un éloge de l’Empire romain. La première édition critique du discours fut publiée par B. Keil en 1898 ; au cours du XXe siècle deux philologues ont préparé des éditions comportant un texte critique, en s’appuyant sur l’apparat de Keil. La thèse est organisée en une introduction générale et deux parties, suivies par la bibliographie et quatre annexes. La première partie est consacrée à la recherche sur la tradition textuelle du discours, et est structurée en six chapitres. La deuxième partie consiste dans l’édition critique du discours En l’honneur de Rome, avec apparat critique et des témoignages de la tradition indirecte. Le texte grec est suivi par un apparat complémentaire donnant les leçons des manuscrits mineurs et des notes critiques. / The purpose of the present thesis is to perform a research on the textual tradition and the critical edition of Aelius Aristides’ speech Εἰς Ῥώμην (To Rome) (2nd century CE). Delivered in Rome in 144 CE, this speech is a praise of the Roman Empire. The first critical edition of the speech was published by B. Keil in 1898; in the 20th century, two philologists prepared editions with critical text, based on the apparatus of Keil. The thesis consists of a general introduction and two parts, followed by the bibliography, and four appendices. The first part explains the research on the textual tradition of the speech, and is structured in six chapters. The second part consists of the critical edition of the speech To Rome, with critical apparatus and the testimonies of the indirect tradition. The Greek text is followed by a complementary apparatus offering the variant readings of the minor manuscripts and some critical notes.

The objective of this research is to examine the theological ideas and moral vision of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and to explore how his theology (and theological hermeneutics and ethics) has influenced his politics of solidarity and social activism on behalf of the oppressed and the poor in Haiti in particular, and the wretched of the earth, in general. Through the use of the postcolonial, decolonial, and Liberation Theology paradigms as hermeneutical and theoretical methods of investigation, the project seeks to answer a threefold question: what is the relationship between theology and social activism and transformation in the thought and writings of Jean-Bertrand Aristide? What is the place and function of the community of faith, the poor, the oppressed, hope, and human liberation in the political theology of Jean-Bertrand Aristide? What is the place of (defensive) violence in Aristide’s theology? Our goal in this scholarly investigation is an attempt to provide an answer to these daunting questions above and to explore more fully and intelligently the theology of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. This present study considers Aristide’s democratic and social justice projects and theological reflections and theological intersections in the disciplines of theological anthropology, theological ethics, and political theology, as he himself engages all four simultaneously. The doctoral thesis locates Aristide’s thought and writings within Black intellectual tradition both in continental Africa and the African Diaspora. It establishes shared intellectual ideas and parallelisms, and strong ideological connections between Aristide and Black theologians and thinkers in both continental Africa and the African Diaspora. On one hand, Aristide’s intellectual ideas and political activism should be understood in the context of the struggle for democracy in Haiti; on the other hand, it is suggested the intellectual articulations and propositions of these Black and African thinkers aim at a common vision: the project to make our world new toward the common good. While we do not undermine the problem of violence in Aristide’s theology and political program in the context of Haitian history, the doctoral thesis argues that Aristide’s theological anthropology is a theology of reciprocity and mutuality, and correspondingly, his theological ethics is grounded in the theory of radical interactionality, interconnectedness, and interdependence, and the South African humanism of Ubuntu. It also contends that Aristide’s promotion of a theology of popular violence and aggression in the Haitian society should be understood as a cathartic mechanism and defensive violence aimed at defending the Haitian masses against the Duvalier regime and their oppressors. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Dogmatics and Christian Ethics / PhD / Unrestricted

La presente tesi ha come oggetto di ricerca la riscoperta e l’approfondimento della vicenda storica e intellettuale di Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove-Kalergi, in qualità di fondatore di uno dei progetti di unità europea più importanti del Novecento, la “Paneuropa”. La ricerca ha avuto, come primo obiettivo, quello di sondare soprattutto le modalità con cui l’Italia recepì il suo messaggio durante gli anni Venti e Trenta, risultato ottenuto attraverso l’analisi di alcune tra le riviste e testate giornalistiche più rappresentative di quegli anni. Il lavoro ha successivamente dimostrato non solo se e quanto la cultura italiana fosse attenta alle dinamiche europee, ma anche il numero e la qualità dei rapporti amicali che Coudenhove-Kalergi, durante la sua vita, fu in grado di intrecciare con numerose personalità note e meno note del panorama italiano. / The present dissertation is focused on the rediscover and in-depth analysis of the biography and intellectual life of Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove-Kalergi, as a founder and promoter of one the most important European unity projects in the XXth century, "Paneuropa". The research had, at first, the purpose to investigate how Italy adopted his message during the ’20s and ’30s, particularly analyzing some periodicals, magazines and newspapers most representative of those years. Afterwards, it has been demonstrated not only if and how much Italian culture was attentive to European dynamics, but also the number and quality of friendly bonds that Coudenhove-Kalergi was able to establish during his life with many more or less well-known personalities of the Italian scenario.