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1	Le deuil inachevé : la commémoration de l'Armistice du 11 novembre 1918 en France dans l'entre-deux-guerres / Incomplete mourning : the commemoration of Armistice day in France in the interwar period Theodosiou, Christina 06 December 2013 (has links) L'objectif de cette thèse consiste à interroger le sens du culte commémoratif de la Grande Guerre en mettant l’accent sur l’articulation entre le temps du souvenir et le temps du deuil. La commémoration de l'Armistice du 11 novembre 1918 est alors comprise. d'une part, comme un processus social dynamique et évolutif qui a principalement fait surgir deux récits dominant voués à la conceptualisation de la mort féconde sur le champ de bataille et à la création de l'image de sol ainsi que celle de l'ennemi et, d'autre part, comme un rite de reconnaissance qui s'adresse aux vivants pour consoler leur souffrance de la perte en lui accordant du sens. Il est surtout question de mesurer l'influence du présent dans le sens que la société de l'après-guerre a prêté à l’anniversaire du 11 novembre, ainsi que dans la façon dont celle-là a perçu son passé, a réactualisé le paradigme de ses morts et a anticipé son futur. Cela implique également de poursuivre les itinéraires des concepts et des valeurs à travers lesquels la guerre et la mort héroïque au combat ont été interprétées, représentées et évoquées par ses contemporains. Il s'agit enfin de réfléchir sur la capacité d'une société endeuillée à s'adapter à la perte, à se détacher de son passé traumatique et à se réconcilier avec elle-même ainsi qu' avec les autres. / The purpose of this thesis is to interrogate-the meaning of the Great. War's cult of commemoration by putting the emphasis on the articulation between the time of memory and the time of mourning. The commemoration of the end of the war is thus understood, on the one hand, as a dynamic and evolutionary social process which essentially generated two dominant discourses meant to the conceptualizing of fecund death on the battlefield and to the shaping-up of an image of the self and of the enemy. On the other hand, Armistice Day is seen as a rite of recognition aimed to the living and destined to relieve their loss-related suffering by giving meaning to it. Our concern, first and foremost, is to measure the influence of the present by looking at the meaning attributed to the 11 November 1918 Anniversary by the French in the interwar period, as well as the way they comprehended their past, revived the paradigm of their dead and anticipated their future. This also implies that we follow the itinerary of concepts and values through which war and heroic death in battle were interpreted, represented and referred to by their contemporary. Lastly, our intention is to reflect upon the ability for a mourning society to adapt to its loss, to break away from its traumatizing past and to make peace with itself and others. Deuils de guerre Commémoration Première Guerre mondiale Armistice Mournings of war Commemoration World War I Armistice 944
2	Ett permanent landmärke på den 38:ebreddgraden : en studie av Armistice Agreements uppkomst / A permanent landmark on the 38th parallel : a study of the Armistice Agreements origin Larsson, Johan January 2009 (has links) <p>Per definition så befinner sig Nordkorea och Sydkorea i krig med varandra sedan 25 juni 1950. Den aktiva delen av kriget varade endast i tre år och avlöstes av <em>Armistice </em><em>Agreement </em>27 juli 1953. Avtalet syftade till att möjliggöra för politiska företrädare att enas om ett fredsavtal – något man aldrig lyckades uppnå.</p><p>Denna uppsats analyserar tiden från Kairokonferensen 1943 intill <em>Armistice Day </em>1953 utifrån hur bakomliggande incitament – sett ur realistiska och liberalistiska perspektiv inom ramen för internationella relationer – kan förklara händelseutvecklingen på den koreanska halvön.</p><p>Resultatet visar på hur erfarenheter och efterbörd av VK II, politiska målsättningar, misstro mellan parterna och till FN, successivt bygger upp dagens delade Korea utifrån vad som främst återfinns inom den realistiska teoribildningen.</p> / <p>North Korea and South Korea has been at war with each other since June 25, 1950. The active part of the war lasted only three years, which resulted in the <em>Armistice Agreement </em>July 27, 1953. The main purpose of the agreement was to allow political representatives to open up for diplomatic negotiations and agree on a peace agreement – something they never managed to achieve. </p><p>This paper will analyze the time from the Cairo Conference in 1943 until <em>Armistice Day </em>in 1953, and investigate how realistic and liberalized political forces, in the context of International Relations theory, influenced the developments on the Korean Peninsula.</p><p>The conclusions will show how the post-war reconstructions of WW II, U.S. and Soviet foreign policy objectives and UN intervention gradually shaped a permanent landmark at the 38th parallel based on realistic values.</p> armistice the Korean War MAC NNRC NNSC UNC armistice koreakriget MAC NNRC NNSC UNC Peace and conflict research Freds- och konfliktforskning
3	Ett permanent landmärke på den 38:ebreddgraden : en studie av Armistice Agreements uppkomst / A permanent landmark on the 38th parallel : a study of the Armistice Agreements origin Larsson, Johan January 2009 (has links) Per definition så befinner sig Nordkorea och Sydkorea i krig med varandra sedan 25 juni 1950. Den aktiva delen av kriget varade endast i tre år och avlöstes av Armistice Agreement 27 juli 1953. Avtalet syftade till att möjliggöra för politiska företrädare att enas om ett fredsavtal – något man aldrig lyckades uppnå. Denna uppsats analyserar tiden från Kairokonferensen 1943 intill Armistice Day 1953 utifrån hur bakomliggande incitament – sett ur realistiska och liberalistiska perspektiv inom ramen för internationella relationer – kan förklara händelseutvecklingen på den koreanska halvön. Resultatet visar på hur erfarenheter och efterbörd av VK II, politiska målsättningar, misstro mellan parterna och till FN, successivt bygger upp dagens delade Korea utifrån vad som främst återfinns inom den realistiska teoribildningen. / North Korea and South Korea has been at war with each other since June 25, 1950. The active part of the war lasted only three years, which resulted in the Armistice Agreement July 27, 1953. The main purpose of the agreement was to allow political representatives to open up for diplomatic negotiations and agree on a peace agreement – something they never managed to achieve. This paper will analyze the time from the Cairo Conference in 1943 until Armistice Day in 1953, and investigate how realistic and liberalized political forces, in the context of International Relations theory, influenced the developments on the Korean Peninsula. The conclusions will show how the post-war reconstructions of WW II, U.S. and Soviet foreign policy objectives and UN intervention gradually shaped a permanent landmark at the 38th parallel based on realistic values. armistice the Korean War MAC NNRC NNSC UNC armistice koreakriget MAC NNRC NNSC UNC Social Sciences Interdisciplinary
4	The Armenians in the Ottoman Empire after the First World War (1918-1923) Sekeryan, Ari January 2018 (has links) This thesis is a historical study of the Ottoman Armenians in the Ottoman Empire from 1918-1923. It seeks to delineate how the Ottoman Armenians reorganised their political position against the massive socio-political crises that led to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. The thesis analyses the transformation of the Armenian political position by examining the Ottoman Turkish and Armenian press. The study contends that the Ottoman Armenians struggled to reorganise their political and social life after the First World War and established alliances with the Allied Powers to create an independent 'Western Armenia', which would ultimately unite with the Armenian state in the Caucasus. The Ottoman Armenians developed a patriotic approach that sought unification with their compatriots in the Caucasus. However, after the defeat of the Greek army by the Nationalist troops in Anatolia in 1922, the collective approach among the Ottoman Armenians changed significantly. After the Nationalist victory had become inevitable, the Ottoman Armenians sought reconciliation and peace with the Turks. This reconciliation was only possible through the acceptance of 'Turkish supremacy' by the Ottoman Armenians. In other words, the Armenians who chose to remain within the boundaries of Turkey preferred to pledge loyalty to the newly established Nationalist government in Ankara. The establishment of the Türk-Ermeni Teali Cemiyeti (Turkish Armenian Ascent Association) and the reconciliation attempts of the Ottoman Armenians with the Muslim Turks is an example of the transformation of the Armenian collective position among the Ottoman Armenians. This study employs Armenian and Ottoman Turkish media sources published in Istanbul and Anatolia during the Armistice years (1918-1923) to track the post-war interrelationship of Ottoman society in general and the Armenian community in particular, the social and political reorganisations of the Armenian community and the transformation of the Armenian political position in the last years of the Ottoman Empire. By doing so, the thesis challenges both Ottoman/Turkish and Armenian historiographies, and attempts to bring these two historiographic approaches together with a new approach to understand this historical period.
5	Des amiraux au service de Vichy (1940-1944) / Admirals in the service of Vichy (1940-1944) Girardin-Thibeaud, Odile 24 October 2014 (has links) Dès la signature de l’armistice, près de 70% des officiers généraux de marine de première section se retrouvent non seulement à des postes emblématiques de l’Etat français, mais aussi à des postes plus secondaires. Quelque soit la nature des ces fonctions, elles leur permettent, dans la plupart des cas, de se faire les hérauts de l’Etat français. Entrés en politique dès juin 1940 au gré des événements militaires, ces hommes présentent une cohérence sociale et professionnelle forte qui, à elle seule, ne suffit pourtant pas à expliciter ce ralliement massif au maréchal Pétain. Leur culture professionnelle et politique reste un élément majeur pour rendre compte de la rencontre idéologique entre ce corps et la Révolution nationale. Persuadés de la supériorité de leur modèle moral et culturel, ils voient dans ce régime, né des décombres de la Troisième République, l’opportunité de faire triompher leurs valeurs. L’obéissance militaire n’apparaît alors que comme un facteur certes réel mais secondaire pour expliciter ce ralliement. Chez l’amiral Darlan, en revanche, il semble bien que l’accession au pouvoir résulte d’un processus pensé et mûri dès mai 1940 et qui se poursuit pendant les six premiers mois de régime. Favorables à une gestion autoritaire du pouvoir, les amiraux portent les mesures d’exclusion et de retour à la tradition en fonction de leurs propres valeurs et des fonctions qu’ils exercent. Leurs pratiques politiques, directement héritées des méthodologies en vigueur dans la Marine, leurs entourages immédiats issus eux aussi de la Royale, contribuent avec la nature des actions qu’ils mettent en place, à alimenter leur réputation de mauvais politiques. L’épuration judiciaire et professionnelle sanctionne quelques uns d’entre eux, mais les procédures, prises sur la durée, d’amnistie et d’annulation par le conseil d’Etat des sanctions administratives permettent de tempérer les déclarations d’épuration rigoureuse. Un dictionnaire complète cette approche collective : il permet ainsi de suivre les itinéraires professionnels de chacun des quarante-neuf officiers généraux de marine étudiés, de rendre compte de leur rôle entre 1940 et 1944 et d’évoquer leur situation dans l’après guerre. / As soon as the Armistice was signed, nearly 70% of general officers in the Navy found themselves not only in emblematic positions of the French State but also in secondary ones. Whatever the nature of these positions, they enabled them, in most cases, to be the messengers of the French State. Joining politics as early as June 1940, according to how military events happened, these men have a strong social and professional coherence which cannot explain, by itself, this huge rallying to marechal Petain. Their professional and political culture remains a key element in explaining the ideological meeting of this branch with the national Revolution. Convinced of the superiority of their moral and cultural model, they consider this regime, born on the ashes of the third Republic, as an opportunity to make their values prevail. Military obedience then appears as a real, although secondary factor to explain their rallying.As far as Admiral Darlan is concerned, though, this access to power, on the contrary, appears as deeply and carefully thought as soon as 1940 and goes on for the first six months of the regime. These admirals, who believe in an authoritarian management of power, hold the measures of exclusion and of return to the Tradition depending on their own values and on the positions they hold. Their political observance, directly inherited from the methods used in the Navy, as well as their immediate circles, also connected with the « Royale », contributes to their bad reputation as politicians too, because of the nature of their actions. Judicial and professional purge sometimes condemns some of them but the procedures of amnesty and invalidation taken by the Council of State concerning administrative sanctions permit to temper the declarations of strict purge. A dictionary completes this collective approach : it enables one to follow the professional route of each of these 49 general officers, to explain their role between 1940 and 1944 as well as to evoke their position after the war. Armistice Marine, La Royale, Ecole navale Amiral, officier général de Marine Etat-Marine Régime de Vichy Occupation Collaboration Mémoire de Vichy Mémoire de la Seconde Guerre mondiale Mémoire de l’Occupation Armistice Navy, La Royale, Ecole Navale Admiral, general officer of Navy Navy-state Regim of Vichy Occupation Collaboration Memory of Vichy Memory of Second World War Memory of Occupation
6	The rural home front : a New Zealand region and the Great War 1914-1926 : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History at Massey University Hucker, Graham January 2006 (has links) New Zealand’s First World War studies have traditionally focused on the soldier and battlefield experiences. ‘The Rural Home Front’ breaks with that tradition and focuses on the lives of people and the local communities that the soldiers left behind in the predominantly rural region of Taranaki in New Zealand. ‘The Rural Home Front’ is essentially a study of the impact and effects of the First World War on rural society. By focusing on topics and themes such as ‘war enthusiasm’, the voluntary spirit of fund raising and recruiting, conscription, attempting to maintain normality during wartime, responses to war deaths, the influenza epidemic, the Armistice and the need to remember, this thesis argues that civilians experienced the Great War, too, albeit differently from that of the soldiers serving overseas. World War One Taranaki The Great War 'War enthusiasm' Patriotism Volunteering Conscription 'Business-as-usual' War-deaths Armistice Influenza epidemic Remembrance
7	Sovereignty, Peacekeeping, and the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF), Suez 1956-1967: Insiders’ Perspectives Hilmy, Hanny 13 February 2015 (has links) This research is concerned with the complex and contested relationship between the sovereign prerogatives of states and the international imperative of defusing world conflicts. Due to its historical setting following World War Two, the national vs. international staking of claims was framed within the escalating imperial-nationalist confrontation and the impending “end of empire”, both of which were significantly influenced by the role Israel played in this saga. The research looks at the issue of “decolonization” and the anti-colonial struggle waged under the leadership of Egypt’s President Nasser. The Suez War is analyzed as the historical event that signaled the beginning of the final chapter in the domination of the European empires in the Middle East (sub-Saharan decolonization followed beginning in the early 1960s), and the emergence of the United States as the new major Western power in the Middle East. The Suez experience highlighted a stubborn contest between the defenders of the concept of “sovereign consent” and the advocates of “International intervention”. Both the deployment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) and its termination were surrounded by controversy and legal-political wrangling. The role of UNEF and UN peacekeeping operations in general framed the development of a new concept for an emerging international human rights law and crisis management. The UNEF experience, moreover, brought into sharp relief the need for a conflict resolution component for any peace operation. International conflict management, and human rights protection are both subject to an increasing interventionist international legal regime. Consequently, the traditional concept of “sovereignty” is facing increasing challenge. By its very nature, the subject matter of this multi-dimensional research involves historical, political and international legal aspects shaping the research’s content and conclusions. The research utilizes the experience and contributions of several key participants in this pioneering peacekeeping experience. In the last chapter, recommendations are made –based on all the elements covered in the research- to suggest contributions to the evolving UN ground rules for international crisis intervention and management. / Graduate / hilmyh@uvic.ca National Sovereignty Peacekeeping Peacemaking UNEF Decolonization End of Empire Israel Zionism Sevres Agreement Dag Hammarskjold U Thant General E L M Burns General Amin Hilmy II General Charles Keightley General Andre Beaufre General Indar J. Rikhye 1956 Suez War Good Faith Agreement 1967 Arab-Israeli War President Gamal Abdel Nasser Sovereign Consent International Human Rights Law Johan Galtung Lester Pearson President Dwight Eisenhower Secretary John F. Dulles Prime Minister Anthony Eden Prime Minister Guy Mollet Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion General Moshe Dayan General Abdel Hakim Amer Status of Forces Agreement Port Said Arab-Israeli Armistice Agreements UNTSO National Liberation Anti-Colonial Struggle Sovereign Equality Westphalia Kadesh Musketeer Uniting for Peace Resolution International Court of Justice UN Security Council UN General Assembly UN Charter Chapter VII Enforcement Measures Chapter VI Voluntary Compliance Palestinian Refugees Negev Desert Sharm El-Sheikh Sinai Peninsula Gaza Strip Gulf of Aqaba Cold War United States Soviet Union (USSR) Lavon Affair MEDO Operation ALPHA OMEGA Plan Baghdad Pact Bandung Conference Mohamed Heikal Aide Memoire Mohamed Mosaddegh Aswan High Dam 1888 Constantinople Convention USS Liberty Straits of Tiran International Law Mahmoud Fawzi Prime Minister Levi Eshkol President Lyndon Johnson Abbba Eban 1992 Agenda for Peace Boutros Boutros-Ghali 2000 Brahimi Report Lakhdar Brahimi 2001 Responsibility to Protect Kofi Annan General Romeo Dallaire Permanent UN Army 2000 SHIRBRIG International Human Rights Law International Humanitarian Law UNEF II status quo ante bellum locus standi pacta sunt servanda erga omnes Lord Caradon Security Council 242

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