Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / This paper will show that the trade in psychoactive substances has in fact been a major facilitator of the process now known as globalization. Not only has the drug trade fed off of globalization, globalization feeds off of and is driven by it. The perspective I will take here is a historical one. My thesis, that the drug trade has been an influential force on what is known as "globalization," is a reevaluation of the relationship between three historical processes: 1} The development over several centuries of a global system for the production, trade, and distribution of drugs 2} The "cold war" for economic and geopolitical hegemony between capitalist and communist power structures 3} The development and expansion of a global economic system, known in its current liberal phase as "globalization" / 2999-01-01

This thesis’ original contribution to knowledge is to indicate the unique contribution of qasbah­‐based Urdu newspapers to the emergence of an Urdu public sphere in early 20^th century South Asia, using as a primary lens the Urdu newspaper Madīnah. In doing so, this thesis will shed light on debates relating to Muslim religious identity, urban life, social status, and gender reform. Madīnah newspaper was published in Bijnor qasbah in Bijnor district, UP, from 1912 onwards. By the early 20^th century, elite, literate qasbah dwellers increased their attachment to their ashrāf identity, even as the definition of that social status group was being transformed. The nature of ashrāf conceptions of the qasbah in the Urdu newspaper conversation sheds light onto the nature of the Urdu public sphere, complicating existing narrative explanations of UP Muslim identity transformations. In the 12 years that constitute the span of the study, international developments such as the Italo-­‐Turkish War, the Balkan Wars, and World War I, with domestic transformations in municipal policies and the activism of some Hindu groups motivated Muslims to redefine their place in early 20^th century society. At the same time, the early 20^th century saw the rising prominence of the qasbah as a centre of spiritual and cultural life among ashrāf Muslims. World War I and the non-­‐cooperation movement threatened the British Empire’s hold on South Asia. In the midst of these shifting sands stood the city of Bijnor, a backwoods qasbah in the district of the same name. Bijnor’s publication Madīnah provided a regional platform for scholars, laymen, and poets to discuss their place in the new order. As part of a network of literary publications exchanged between qasbahs in the first half of the twentieth century, Madīnah shaped and complicated gender boundaries, religious identity, social status, and political alliance, all in the service of the Muslim ummah, or community. This thesis places Madīnah in the context of the broader Urdu newspaper market and the incipient newspaper culture of qasbahs, which both reflected the broadened geographic horizon of the qasbatī ashrāf and placed a premium on the qasbah as a place set apart from the city. After laying this foundation, the thesis turns to the place of Islam in qasbah newspapers and Madīnah. Newspapers reflected a division among ashrāf regarding the centrality of Islam in elite culture, revealing an ideological division between the qasbah and major urban centres Delhi, Lucknow, and Calcutta. Madīnah and other newspapers sought to establish an indelible link between Islam and ashrāf identity, in contrast to some urban newspapers, which sought to lay the groundwork instead for a secular, nationalized Muslim identity. This thesis then turns to the expanding geographic horizons of Madīnah newspaper, both enabled by novel technology and neutralized as a threat by careful framing of international and trans-‐regional content. The subsequent chapter deals with Madīnah's Women’s Newspaper, which demonstrated a trend toward gender ventriloquism in reformist approaches to gender. Many articles penned ostensibly by women had male authors; Madīnah's articles expressed a complex set of reactions to intimate female experiences, including curiosity, fascination, and anxiety. Qasbah newspapers offer new avenues for insight into the tensions that characterized the Urdu public of the early 20^th century. This thesis highlights the character of qasbatī ashrāf's engagement with the broader literary conversation via newspapers during a time of dramatic social transformation, in the process contributing to the form of the Urdu public sphere.

published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

Decentralisation for local community development has become the new paradigm of development discourse in Ghana in the present times. There is currently an elaborate legal framework in Ghana on decentralisation as a means for addressing local community development. The role of law in development is therefore implicated in the discourse. This study raises provocative, startling and challenging questions not only on the decentralisation programme, but the appropriate theoretical framework for reading the role of law in development. The study argues that decentralisation in Ghana is a spatial strategy of the state for addressing the crisis of its political economy and not one necessarily for local community development. Taking its starting point in land administration in the Upper West Region of Ghana (predominantly agrarian communities), the study explores how the objectives of decentralisation in Ghana address the subjectivity of development needs of local communities in Ghana. The study's contention is that the legal regime of the decentralisation programme and its praxis fail to address a pertinent development concern (land) of the Upper West communities. The study argues that if local community development were the object of the programme, it would perforce address the problematic of land administration that is an important concern for predominantly subsistence farming communities. The study also demonstrates how a spatial reading of social phenomenon provides critical insights to an understanding of the role of law in development. The study is based on a field study conducted in Ghana and among the communities of the Upper West Region, through interviews with officials of institutions, traditional authorities and civil society organisations. The interviews were complemented by written primary and secondary sources. Primary sources include documents from the National Archives in Ghana and from decentralised institutions in the Upper West Region. Secondary sources include unpublished essays and theses, books, articles, reported cases in the Ghana Law Reports, unreported and/or pending cases in the Ghanaian courts.

This thesis, based on 14 months of fieldwork, examines middle-class Lahore, a milieu that is not only anxious about the growing religious violence in the country but also feels disappointed by the state and its false promises of progress. The ethnography explores how such tensions shape ideas on personal and public piety which, in turn, influence conceptions of modernity and a ‘successful life’. I examine the growing presence of a form of religiosity that emphasises the personal study of the Quran and other Islamic texts. The rising popularity of Quran schools and study circles, talks by television-based Islamic scholars, and discussions in homes are indicative of a sensibility which encourages individuals to discover the ‘real’ and ‘rational’ Islam by understanding the Quran for themselves. Although this religiosity centres around the individual and the cultivation of personal ethics, it also has a significant public aspect. Many believe that acquired Islamic ethics will not only help attain success in this life and the hereafter but also solve societal problems such as corruption, nepotism and economic disorder. Although such ideas have developed alongside a belief that the state is incompetent, they nevertheless reproduce many state-produced discourses on religion, morality and modernity. At a broader level, my thesis is concerned with how middle-class Pakistan perceives itself and its position in the world. I argue that prevailing ideas on Islam have been shaped by increased communication with the South Asian diaspora abroad and have developed in response to two struggles. First, the emerging middle-class uses this religiosity to contest the moral and economic domination of the established old-money elite. Second, anxieties about the gaze of an abstracted outsider – usually the West on the Muslim world – shape middle-class representations of self.

This dissertation aims to analyze the transformation of Pusan by examining the social, political, economic, and cultural changes during the open-port period (1876-1910). Prior to annexation, Pusan, as the first open port in Korea, reflected features of the colonial urban development in which alien power achieved and sustained a hegemonic domination on socio-cultural-economic dimensions of people’s lives. Colonial history in Korea has been divided and moving on parallel lines. The ‘nationalist school’ and the ‘socioeconomic school’ have failed to come together and move us into a deeper understanding of the Japanese colonial period. In order to narrow the gap between the two schools of thought, this thesis suggests looking at ‘colonial modernity’ through the analytical lens of the colonial city of Pusan. The approach examines changes in the social, economic, and cultural life of people rather than through the traditional binary construction of ‘victim versus victimizer’ or ‘colonial repression versus national resistance.’ In particular, I pay close attention to the fact that colonization is a process of imperial expansion by means of colonialists. In the end, the process of colonization in Pusan was a process by which the Japanese settlers expanded in wealth, population, influence, and power. The cluster of factors – enlargement of settlement (living space), the expansion of the economy (economic opportunity), improvement of public enterprises, such as transportation infrastructure, water supply and hygiene (improving quality of life) – were catalysts for the Japanese settlers to take up residence in Pusan. Based on the transformation of the urban space of Pusan at this micro level, I discuss a hierarchy of power relations within the spatial boundary of Pusan. In other words, I focus on human aspects of these changes rather than on systemic changes. I attempt to demonstrate how studying a city can offer a useful category of analysis for the question of ‘modernity’ in Korea.

Cheng Wing Yan. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-122). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i-ii / Acknowledgements --- p.iii / Table of Contents --- p.iv / List of Tables --- p.v / List of Figures --- p.vi-vii / List of Charts --- p.viii / Chapter Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 2. --- Literature Review --- p.4 / Chapter Chapter 3. --- Methodology --- p.8 / Chapter Chapter 4. --- Data Description --- p.18 / Chapter Chapter 5. --- Empirical Results --- p.29 / Chapter 5.1 --- Simple Regression Results --- p.29 / Chapter 5.2 --- Structural Break Test Results --- p.31 / Chapter 5.3 --- Regression Results for Housing Attributes' Coefficients on Macroeconomic Variables --- p.32 / Chapter Chapter 6. --- Conclusion --- p.34 / Appendix 1. Limitation --- p.35 / Appendix 2. Tables --- p.37 / Appendix 3. Figures --- p.77 / Appendix 4. Charts --- p.107 / Appendix 5. Regression Results for Housing Attributes from Literature --- p.113 / Bibliography --- p.115

This thesis is centrally concerned with the ‘democratic debate’ and assessing the prospects for democratic transition in contemporary China. The first part of the thesis (including Chapters 1 and 2) reviews the (primarily) Western academic literature on democracy and democratisation. It is argued that while this literature is useful-up to a point-in understanding how the debate of democratisation is unfolding in China, and the processes that are generating political reforms and other changes that are conducive to democracy, it has wholly neglected the specificity of the Chinese case. The third chapter of the thesis duly embarks on a discussion of both the history of debate and discussion in China historically, arguing that this debate and discussion has to be understood in the context of Chinese history and culture specifically. This chapter identifies two strands of thought about democracy among academic commentators in China: first those who foresee a swift transition to democracy and the ‘gradualists’, who are primarily concerned with how problems of attendant social and political instability will impact on the prospects for democratisation. The second half of the thesis assesses the impact of Chinese economic reforms since the late 1970s, along with contemporary globalization and China’s growing integration into the global economy on the trajectory of political change in China. It explores important political changes within the regime, the emerging civil society forces, focusing specifically on changing state-society relations evidenced in growing village autonomy, changes in press media, and in other areas. The thesis combines the technique of discourse analysis (‘reading’ and analysing the changing discourse among state and civil society actors, including official political documents and speeches; and media -television and newspapers- and NGO sources) with an assessment of institutional changes within the party (elite), changes in power structures (the limited diffusion of power to civil society through electoral reform and changes in media operation and control), and changing state-society relations.

The 1979 Islamic Revolution of Iran was based and formed upon the concept of Khomeinism, the religious, political, and social ideas of Ayatullah Ruhollah Khomeini. While the Iranian revolution was carried out with the slogans of independence, freedom, and Islamic Republic, Khomeini's framework gave it a specific impetus for the unity of people, religious culture, and leadership. Khomeinism was not just an effort, on a religious basis, to alter a national system. It included and was dependent upon the projection of a clash beyond a “national” struggle, including was a clash of ideology with that associated with the United States. Analysing the Iran-US relationship over the past century and Khomeini’s interpretation of it, this thesis attempts to show how the Ayatullah projected "America" versus Iranian national freedom and religious pride. This projection used national interest and the religious and social culture of Iranians to mobilise the masses to overthrow a secular and pro-American political system, replacing it with an Islamic, anti-American system. However, while anti-Americanism was an essential part of Khomeinism, it was a conditional and impermanent concept. As the historical investigation shows, hostility between Iranian and American communities has been exceptional for much of the period since 1850. That recognition, as well as the critique of Khomeinism, offers possibilities for improvement in future relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the West, especially the US.

The presented study is an analysis of the regional integration process of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEAN utilizing theories of international relations and integration. The dissertation studies the factors which contributed to its formation, evolution and transformation and the perspectives of its further development. ASEAN was established by virtue of Bangkok Declaration signed on August 8, 1967 among Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Subsequently Brunei joined the Association in 1984, Vietnam 1995, Laos and Myanmar 1997 and Cambodia 1999. ASEAN's formation falls within the process of creating of regional organizations after World War II, a period of the biggest development of the institutionalization of the international cooperation. Association was based on relatively free and voluntary cooperation and political declarations. With the end of Cold War and bipolarity, with the defeat of communism and the advent of political and economic reforms in the former socialist bloc ASEAN institutionally strengthened and transformed itself, expanded its membership and the decision to form ASEAN Free Trade Area AFTA in 1992 and the Treaty on the Common Effective Preferential Tariffs shifted Association from the stage of cooperation to integration. ASEAN becomes an international organization (based on international legal agreement with the objectives, principles, internal structure etc.) through the adoption of the Charter in 2008. The Charter is the symbol of the transition process from voluntary cooperation based on political declarations to creation of an intergovernmental organization with international legal personality and legal contractual basis for community building, to strengthen the norms and principles. ASEAN has functioned over 40 years based on personal, very frequent and regular contacts between the key elites (who have significantly contributed to its creation and development), as a grouping of common practice and an emerging common identity. It is a form of intergovernmental cooperation, where member states have exclusive position in the decision process; there are no supranational institutions that would have exclusive powers. ASEAN is the initiator of the development of regionalism in Asia, a considerable number of international structures, inter-and trans-regional contacts, forums and programs. Its activities after the Cold War fall into the framework of the new regionalism The thesis tries to point out possible perspectives for its future path, especially in connection to recently born special cooperation ASEAN+3 (China, Republic of Korea, Japan) and plans for building of East Asian Community (ASEAN+3, Australia, New Zealand, India) and its Free Trade Area. Basic characteristics of ASEAN integration process: it takes place in Southeast Asia, it is a process and a state, it consists of economic, political, security, social and cultural part, the emphasis is on economic affairs, its origin is in the postwar period, the main actors are the states and their elites (from the 90's NGO's, think-tanks and civil society become active creating a broad network of socio-cultural relations and interactions), integration expands by the process of ASEAN +3 and EAS, there is a spillover effect within and outside ASEAN, integration process is gradually evolving from a lower to a higher level. Carried out research has its limitations, since it is impossible to generalize the results and formulate a clear assessment of the large international complex, the information is always limited and the social process is miscellaneous. Well-known is the fact that political elites do not act according to the theories, which they often do not know, but based on their own understanding of reality and interests of individual states, eventually groups of countries. No theory is able to explain fully the evolution of ASEAN, failing to capture reality in its full extent, and thus the prospects for the future are some speculations. From the theoretical examination of ASEAN I elect neofuncionalism, since ASEAN represents a process of empowerment, where elites play a crucial role; they share many values and objectives and contribute to the integration process. The rise of transactions in the regional grouping (trade, communication, exchange of ideas), gradually creates a sense of common identity, elites have closer contacts and their values are complementary. Southeast Asia should occupy an important place in the Czech Republic's foreign policy, taking advantage of traditional contacts with the region. Priority should be given to economic ties and active political involvement in the multilateral framework of ASEM, an important part of political dialogue should be question of human rights.