Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Droit privé--Paris 1, 1995. / En appendice, choix de documents et de textes législatifs. Bibliogr. p. 473-496. Index.

Habilitationsschrift--Philosophische Fakultät--Dresden--Technische Universität, 1996. Titre de soutenance : Zwischen "Tschechisierung" und "Selbstbehauptung. / Bibliogr. p. 400-420. Index.

This study examines how people construct and negotiate social identity in neighborhood associations. It builds on previous social identity research by examining how identity construction is important in regards to political behavior, but in an unexamined context - that of neighborhood associations. Neighborhood associations are groups that are formally organized and frequently interact with city employees and elected officials to obtain and/or improve city services in that geographic location. This study is informed by interpretive approaches to social science inquiry. My findings are based on three sources: participant observations of neighborhood association meetings in the City of St. Louis, Missouri during 2008-2009; 31 semi-structured interviews with neighborhood association leaders, members, and city employees during the spring and summer of 2009; and document analysis of association materials such as meeting agendas and by-laws. Neighborhood associations can be both a source of empowerment and exclusion. Needless to say, people negotiate multiple social identities based on race, gender, and class. In general, gendered identities were activated far less than racial or nationalistic identities, and when they were activated, it was in the context of a private interview not a public meeting. In the best situations, people were able to form new collective identities and bridge differences across diverse backgrounds

La thèse repose sur l'approche et la création des Associations à caractère militaire. Elle montre d'abord l'émergence du patriotisme mosellan durant la première annexion entre 1871 et 1918, l'engagement intensif des cadres de réserve lors de la Grande guerre, le point de départ du mouvement associatif des années 1920, les difficultés de la société militaire de l'entre-deux guerres et la mise en place des statuts juridiques et militaires : l'ensemble s'englobant dans un contexte de crises successives et de restructuration de l'armée d'active après les événements d'Algérie où les associations d'OR et de SOR, leur caractère juridique où la loi française de 1901 n'est pas applicable en Moselle. Il est donc essentiel de montrer que le recrutement, les activités, l'importance des Congrès nationaux, mais aussi l'expansion des critères industriels au début des années 1950 ne font qu'amplifier ce phénomène ascendant. Puis, dans un monde associatif parvenu au paroxysme de sa puissance au début des années 1980, expliquer que désormais les acquis des adhérents semblent illusoires et ne répondent plus à la réalité. Enfin, admettre qu'avec la suspension de la conscription, les Associations entament une longue traversée du désert et qu'elles sombrent progressivement dans l'anonymat, dans la période où les bouleversements extrêmes proviennent autant de l'armée d'active que de la réserve / The thesis rests on the approach and the creation of Associations in military matter. It shows initially th emergence of patriotism native of the Moselle region during the first annexation between 1871 and 1918, the intensive engagement of the executives of reserve at the time of difficulties of the military compagny of inter-war period and the installation of the legal and military statutes ; the unit being included in a contexte of successive crises and reorganization of the army of active after events of algeria where Associations will acquire and sit their power. In this particular context, one discovers the importance of associations of Or and SOR, their legal character where the French law of 1901 is not applicable in the Moselle. It is this essential to show that recruitment, the activities, the importance of the national congresses, but also the expansion of the industrial criteria at the beginning of the years 1950 do nothing but amplify the ascending phenomenon. Then, in an associative world arrived at the paroxysm of its power at the beginning of the years 1980, to explain that from now on the assets of the members seem illusory and do not answer reality any more. Lastly, to admit that with the suspension of the conscription, Associations start a long crossing of the desert and that they sink gradually in anonymity, dining on time when the xtreme upheavals come as much from the army from active as of the reserve

This report evaluates the Civic and Advice Centres Programme (CACP) administered by Kagiso Trust (KT) with funds from, primarily, the Commission of the European Communities (CEC). Between 1987 and 1992 over R 13 mn was disbursed through this programme. The authors of this report were appointed by the CEC and KT as consultants in November 1992. This is our final report. This report is the product of an evaluation conducted by the consultants in accordance with Terms of Reference defined by the CEC and KT. As such the report does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of either the CEC or KT. It is important to indicate clearly what this report is and is not. It is a report for the funding organizations - KT and the CEC - on their funding of civics and advice centres. It is not a study of civics and advice centres perse. There are important aspects of the civic movement which are not examined here. Our recommendations are offered to the funding organizations. Neither our analysis nor our recommendations are intended to be prescriptive of or for civics and advice centres. It is up to civics and advice centres to assess their own experiences and to choose their own routes into the post-apartheid future. Our concern here in this report has merely been to point out to the funders how their funds have been used, and how funds might be constructively used in future to further the democratisation of governmental and developmental processes. The consultants are grateful to all of the individuals and organizations who were able to spare time to discuss with us their experiences and perceptions of the CACP. They are too many to name here, but they are listed in Annex B. Our role as consultants has been in part to collate the many incisive comments made to us in our many discussions around the country. There are few suggestions here which have not been made by one or other of our interviewees. We are grateful to the CEC and KT for the assistance they provided. At KT’s head office we have been extensively assisted by Spencer Malongete, Pam Hamese and Muzwandile Lumka. We are grateful also to the staff of the KT regional offices who met with us and helped to schedule appointments with projects. Kagiso Trust organised a reference group for the consultants which on two occasions generously criticised early drafts of the report. It has not been easy to co-ordinate the work of three consultants based in Cape Town, London and Johannesburg. Our research was originally divided on a geographical basis. Jeremy Seekings examined the CACP in Cape Town, the Eastern Cape and Border, and parts of the Orange Free State. Khehla Shubane examined the CACP in the Transvaal and Natal. David Simon conducted research in parts of the Transvaal, Southern Cape, and Cape Town. Most of the sections of the report were drafted by one or other of the consultants, and revised in light of comments from one or both of the other consultants. Jeremy Seekings was primarily responsible for sections 2.4, 3, 4, 5, 7.1 and 8. David Simon was primarily responsible for sections 1, 2.2 and 2.3, 6.6, 7.2 and 7.3, and 10. Jeremy Seekings and David Simon drafted the rest of section 6. Khehla Shubane was primarily responsible for section 9 and the executive summary, and made extensive inputs into sections 3.3 and 5.

The aim of this thesis is to clarify the nature and role of evaluation of mental health buildings, and to make recommendations about the design of mental health buildings and about how they should be evaluated. Reference is made to examples of evaluation work, in particular to work carried out under the Mental Health Buildings Programme in the DHSS. The thesis is presented in three sections: Section 1 discusses the concept of evaluation in relation to mental health buildings, and critically reviews many of the ways in which evaluation has been attempted. It is argued that while the term 'evaluation' can be applied to a range of work, evaluation of mental health buildings presents special problems, and, if it is to be reliable, valid, significant and potentially useful, should follow certain criteria. It is argued that these criteria can be drawn from various branches of social science; evaluation can be strengthened by referring to environmental psychology, to the evaluation of social programmes and to service evaluation, and drawing on their approaches. Section 2 then outlines the aims and development of the Mental Healthy Buildings Evaluation Programme and reports a selection of data from the evaluation of two DHSS - sponsored ’model’ service developments (evaluation of residential accommodation for mentally handicapped people, and of psychiatric day and hospital provision). The programme was set up by the author to evaluate these developments in ways which would produce information of value in future planning and design of mental health facilities, and detailed recommendations are offered. Section 3 reviews critically the Mental Health Buildings Evaluation Programme work presented in Section 2, outlines subsequent policy developments of relevance and draws conclusions concerning the evaluation of mental health buildings in future.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-15T13:46:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE DE PHILIPE MURILLO SANTANA DE CARVALHO.pdf: 3341202 bytes, checksum: 8e76e67610f1e75ec27b972b53c801c8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-03-28T19:23:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE DE PHILIPE MURILLO SANTANA DE CARVALHO.pdf: 3341202 bytes, checksum: 8e76e67610f1e75ec27b972b53c801c8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-28T19:23:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE DE PHILIPE MURILLO SANTANA DE CARVALHO.pdf: 3341202 bytes, checksum: 8e76e67610f1e75ec27b972b53c801c8 (MD5) / O principal objetivo desta tese é analisar a relação entre os trabalhadores, o associativismo e a política no sul da Bahia – Ilhéus e Itabuna – entre 1918 e 1934. Desde o final da década de 1910, o contingente de trabalhadores se tornou numeroso e heterogêneo nas duas principais cidades do sul do estado. Preocupados em fugir da pobreza extrema, artistas, operários, estivadores e caixeiros desenvolveram associações de classe, cujos objetivos eram o auxílio mútuo, a beneficência e a assistência. Estas sociedades expressavam os modos pelos quais o operariado enxergava a si próprio e o mundo ao seu redor. Em busca de reconhecimento social e de atenção dos poderes públicos, estas categorias profissionais cunhavam uma identidade baseada na ética positiva do trabalho para demonstrarem-se cidadãos laboriosos e honestos. Desta forma, pretendiam não apenas se distinguir do restante da população pobre e miserável – vista de forma pejorativa pelas autoridades como classes perigosas. Por acréscimo, as associações se tornaram também um palco para a política de convivência e reciprocidade entre trabalhadores e chefes políticos das oligarquias. O envolvimento dos de baixo com deputados, coronéis e partidos a partir destas agremiações nos permite por em os limites da participação política na I República. Em paralelo, os grêmios mutualistas não ficaram restritos apenas à prática do assistencialismo. Nos anos 1920, eles foram também protagonistas de campanhas e de protestos por direitos e contra a exploração de patrões, tocando em questões como jornada de 8 horas, caixa de aposentadoria e pensões, férias e demissão arbitrária. O saldo da cultura associativa de trabalhadores que se desenvolveu na I República se depara com o pós-1930, tempo em que o Estado interfere na questão social. Tornando-se um ator social coletivo emergente, as sociedades operárias vivenciaram de diferentes formas a política de sindicalização das classes e da criação de leis trabalhistas durante o Governo Provisório. Portanto, amparada em pesquisas de jornais, atas, relatórios, correspondências, boletins e fontes judiciais, coletadas em arquivos da Bahia e de outros estados, este trabalho se propõe a investigar como trabalhadores do interior da Bahia formaram suas próprias agremiações, atuaram nas franjas de uma República oligárquica, coronelista e excludente, encamparam a defesa de seus interesses e emergiram como sujeitos históricos em Ilhéus e Itabuna. Palavras – chave: Trabalhadores, associativismo e política. T r a b a l h a d o r e s , a s s o c i a t i v i s m o e p o l í t i c a n o s u l d a B a h i a ( I l h é u s e I t a b u n a , 1 9 1 8 - 1 9 3 4 ) P á g i n a | 4 ABSTRACT The main objective of this thesis is to analyze the relationship between workers, associations and politics in southern Bahia - Ilheus and Itabuna - between 1918 and 1934. Since the late 1910s, the number of workers has become large and heterogeneous in two major cities in the southern state. Anxious to escape from extreme poverty, artists, workers, longshoremen and clerks developed associations, whose objectives were mutual aid, beneficence and assistance. These companies expressed the ways in which the working class could see himself and the world around them. In search of social recognition and attention of the authorities, these professional categories coined an identity based on positive work ethic to show up industrious and honest citizens. Thus, they intended not only to distinguish from the poor and miserable people - view pejoratively by the authorities as dangerous classes. By extension, the associations have also become a stage for the coexistence and reciprocity policy between workers and political leaders of the oligarchies. The involvement with congressman, warlords and parties from these associations allows us to put in the limits of political participation in the 1st Republic. In parallel, mutual unions were not restricted only to the practice of welfare. In the 1920s, they were also protagonists of campaigns and protests for rights and against the exploitation of bosses, touching on issues such as 8-hour workday, retirement housing and pensions, holidays and arbitrary dismissal. The balance of the associative culture workers that developed in the First Republic faces the post-1930 period in which the state interferes in social issues. Becoming an emerging collective social actor, workers' societies experienced in different ways unionization policy of classes and the creation of labor laws during the Provisional Government. Therefore, based on research papers, minutes, reports, correspondence, newsletters and judicial sources, collected in Bahia’s archives and other states, this study aims to investigate how the interior of Bahia workers formed their own associations, they acted on the fringes of an oligarchic Republic, landowner and exclusionary, have embraced the defense of their interests and emerged as historical subjects in Ilheus and Itabuna. O principal objetivo desta tese é analisar a relação entre os trabalhadores, o associativismo e a política no sul da Bahia – Ilhéus e Itabuna – entre 1918 e 1934. Desde o final da década de 1910, o contingente de trabalhadores se tornou numeroso e heterogêneo nas duas principais cidades do sul do estado. Preocupados em fugir da pobreza extrema, artistas, operários, estivadores e caixeiros desenvolveram associações de classe, cujos objetivos eram o auxílio mútuo, a beneficência e a assistência. Estas sociedades expressavam os modos pelos quais o operariado enxergava a si próprio e o mundo ao seu redor. Em busca de reconhecimento social e de atenção dos poderes públicos, estas categorias profissionais cunhavam uma identidade baseada na ética positiva do trabalho para demonstrarem-se cidadãos laboriosos e honestos. Desta forma, pretendiam não apenas se distinguir do restante da população pobre e miserável – vista de forma pejorativa pelas autoridades como classes perigosas. Por acréscimo, as associações se tornaram também um palco para a política de convivência e reciprocidade entre trabalhadores e chefes políticos das oligarquias. O envolvimento dos de baixo com deputados, coronéis e partidos a partir destas agremiações nos permite por em os limites da participação política na I República. Em paralelo, os grêmios mutualistas não ficaram restritos apenas à prática do assistencialismo. Nos anos 1920, eles foram também protagonistas de campanhas e de protestos por direitos e contra a exploração de patrões, tocando em questões como jornada de 8 horas, caixa de aposentadoria e pensões, férias e demissão arbitrária. O saldo da cultura associativa de trabalhadores que se desenvolveu na I República se depara com o pós-1930, tempo em que o Estado interfere na questão social. Tornando-se um ator social coletivo emergente, as sociedades operárias vivenciaram de diferentes formas a política de sindicalização das classes e da criação de leis trabalhistas durante o Governo Provisório. Portanto, amparada em pesquisas de jornais, atas, relatórios, correspondências, boletins e fontes judiciais, coletadas em arquivos da Bahia e de outros estados, este trabalho se propõe a investigar como trabalhadores do interior da Bahia formaram suas próprias agremiações, atuaram nas franjas de uma República oligárquica, coronelista e excludente, encamparam a defesa de seus interesses e emergiram como sujeitos históricos em Ilhéus e Itabuna. Palavras – chave: Trabalhadores, associativismo e política. T r a b a l h a d o r e s , a s s o c i a t i v i s m o e p o l í t i c a n o s u l d a B a h i a ( I l h é u s e I t a b u n a , 1 9 1 8 - 1 9 3 4 ) P á g i n a | 4 ABSTRACT The main objective of this thesis is to analyze the relationship between workers, associations and politics in southern Bahia - Ilheus and Itabuna - between 1918 and 1934. Since the late 1910s, the number of workers has become large and heterogeneous in two major cities in the southern state. Anxious to escape from extreme poverty, artists, workers, longshoremen and clerks developed associations, whose objectives were mutual aid, beneficence and assistance. These companies expressed the ways in which the working class could see himself and the world around them. In search of social recognition and attention of the authorities, these professional categories coined an identity based on positive work ethic to show up industrious and honest citizens. Thus, they intended not only to distinguish from the poor and miserable people - view pejoratively by the authorities as dangerous classes. By extension, the associations have also become a stage for the coexistence and reciprocity policy between workers and political leaders of the oligarchies. The involvement with congressman, warlords and parties from these associations allows us to put in the limits of political participation in the 1st Republic. In parallel, mutual unions were not restricted only to the practice of welfare. In the 1920s, they were also protagonists of campaigns and protests for rights and against the exploitation of bosses, touching on issues such as 8-hour workday, retirement housing and pensions, holidays and arbitrary dismissal. The balance of the associative culture workers that developed in the First Republic faces the post-1930 period in which the state interferes in social issues. Becoming an emerging collective social actor, workers' societies experienced in different ways unionization policy of classes and the creation of labor laws during the Provisional Government. Therefore, based on research papers, minutes, reports, correspondence, newsletters and judicial sources, collected in Bahia’s archives and other states, this study aims to investigate how the interior of Bahia workers formed their own associations, they acted on the fringes of an oligarchic Republic, landowner and exclusionary, have embraced the defense of their interests and emerged as historical subjects in Ilheus and Itabuna

abstract: Color as a communication medium plays an important role in conveying meaning. It has been identified as a major element in marketing and advertising, and has shown to influence consumer's emotions (Labrecque & Milne, 2012). Despite the large volume of color-centered research, the literature on the subject remains largely abstract and unreliable. Academic research on the impact of color on brand personality it is still in its early stages of investigation, and therefore fragmented and inadequate. The goal of this study is to identify and visually represent patterns of association between colors and specific brand personality traits. We hypothesized that such patterns exist, although the exact associations are difficult to predict. If such patterns are found, they can assist in creating a valuable design tool with wide range of applications in product design, manufacturing, and marketing. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Human Systems Engineering 2017

Blends of poly(vinylidene fluoride) (PVDF) and polyamide 6 (N6) are interesting for both scientific studies and commercial exploitation. PVDF is known to be miscible with polymers produced from monomers containing carbonyl side groups, eg. polyethyl acrylate, polyacrylamide etc., but is not miscible with polymers containing carbonyl groups in the main chain, ego polyamides, polyester, etc. Although complete miscibility of the blend components is not always necessary, strong physical interactions between the two components are needed in order to obtain a compatible blend, i.e. one which exhibits good mechanical properties. An investigation was carried out to explore the possibility to compatibilise blends of PVDF and N6 using y-radiation to graft acid groups on either polymer and subsequently ionomerizing these with zinc cations. Graft copolymer type of compatibilizer was produced when the acid functionalized PVDF (grafted PVDF) was blended with N6 or acid functionalized N6 (grafted N6). Fourier transform infrared analysis has confirmed the occurance of reactions between acid groups in the grafted PVDFand amine groups in the N6. The compatibility of the PVDF/N6 blends was found to increase with increasing amount of carboxylic acid groups in the two polymers. This was accompanied by an increase in Tg of the N6 phase in blend, which became more pronounced when both components were grafted. Tensile test and solvent resistance experiments were carried out to relate the compatibization of the blend to the improvement in mechanical properties. Ionomerization of the functionalized polymers with zinc cations was performed in order to study the effect on compatibility of the blend. The neutralization of the acid groups in either polymer in the blend by addition of zinc acetyl acetonate was found to suppress the chemical reaction with the amine end groups in the N6 phase, and to cause a reduction in the T g and a reduction in crosslinking of the N 6 phase. However when both polymers were grafted, the crystallinity of the N6 phase was restored, which was accompanied by an increase in Tg.

The disengagement of young people from community participation is a debate that pervades the literature and is a concern for UK policing whose strategic aim is to secure the efficient and effective engagement of young people in an operational landscape that is shaped by austerity. Digital and Social Media is seen as offering immense potential to deliver enhanced participation at a fraction of the cost of traditional engagement, but there is a distinct lack of empirical research associated with the police use of digital and social media to engage young people. The aim of this research is to allow young people to shape the way Nottinghamshire Police engage with them via digital and social media. To this end, a 40-point engagement framework based on the principles of ‘Quid Pro Quo’ reciprocal engagement is offered as the product of this youthful insight. The theoretical positioning of the research is within the Interpretivist paradigm and social control theory and procedural justice theory justify why engaging young people is so important to the survival of the British style of policing. A qualitative methodology frames the research design, which includes the use of the semi-structured interview and four focus groups involving young people. The thesis suggests that young people are not disinterested, lackadaisical or apathetic when it comes to police engagement, they are simply disconnected from the police engagement framework, which appears to have failed historically to understand how and why young people wish to participate in policing. Whilst participants felt that Nottinghamshire Police’s digital offer is suitable for young people, it is concluded that digital and social media is not the ‘Holy Grail’ or indeed the panacea for police engagement and therefore young people may not yet be ready to accept such technology and swap physical visibility and accessibility for their virtual counterparts.