Over the last two decades, the international community has taken on the task of rebuilding societies in the aftermath of mass-atrocities. Through a combination of trial and error and vigorous academic research, a relatively clear (and semi-malleable) blueprint of post-atrocity peacebuilding has developed. This includes setting up a temporary international transitional authority, establishing democracy, facilitating economic development, and holding war crime trials. Though there are volumes of studies which address the pragmatic strengths and weaknesses of these key elements of peacebuilding, to date political theorists have not critically analyzed the moral legitimacy of these policies. My thesis aims to fill this gap. The overarching question of this thesis is this: What moral duties does the international community have to post-atrocity societies? To answer this question, I critically examine the normative issues involved in the four key aspects of peacebuilding (identified above). Using the framework of just war theory and a cosmopolitan theory of fundamental human rights, I argue that, in most post-atrocity cases, the international community has duties to remove atrocity-committing regimes from power, occupy the target-state and act as a transitional authority, help facilitate the creation of democracy and economic development, and hold war crimes trials. These duties, of course, are extremely complicated and limited and these qualifications are examined and developed throughout. Running through the construction of my theory of post-atrocity duties is a clear message: we – the international community – have obligations to the victims and survivors of atrocities. In other words, providing assistance in the wake of mass-atrocities is not a supererogatory act of charity, rather, it is a duty which we owe to the victims of these horrible crimes.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the issue of collapsed states with reference to William Reno's (2001) theory. Since the end of the Cold War we find in many places that the state itself has collapsed. According to this thesis state collapse refers to a situation where the structure, authority, laws and political order have fallen apart. The phenomenon of collapsed states is historic and worldwide, but nowhere are there more examples than in contemporary Africa. Sierra Leone is an example of a collapsed state in Africa. The state in Sierra Leone was after the commencement of the conflict in 1991 not capable of performing the duties which are required of a state when a state wants to be called a state. Governments in collapsed states lack the capacity to make binding, effective decisions. As a basic institution, the state loses its sovereignty as the most central institution in the society. Resource wars are nowadays a characteristic of collapsed states like Sierra Leone. Resources are used by key figures in the resource wars to enrich themselves. They also exploit the resources to finance their actions and propaganda. Diamonds was the resource which was exploited commercially by the 'government' and Foday Sankoh, a rebel/insurgent, as well as Charles Taylor, a warlord. The resource war was one of the reasons why the state in Sierra Leone collapsed further. It had lead to the total collapse of the state in Sierra Leone. With the commencement of the conflict in Sierra Leone, the issue of peacemaking came to the fore in Sierra Leone. The conflict in Sierra Leone was an intrastate conflict. The primary goal of the United Nations (UN) is to maintain international security and peace. Intrastate conflicts do not form part of the UN's traditional mandate regarding peacemaking. The UN thus had no basic framework of how to get involved in the intrastate conflict in Sierra Leone. The UN only became involved in 1999 in the form of UNAMSIL. Before the intervention of the UN, the 'government' of Sierra Leone turned to Private Military Companies (PMC's) in the form of Executive Outcomes and Sandline International. The problem with the intervention of PMC's in a conflict is that they are not sanctioned by international organisations like the UN. As a regional initiative, ECOWAS in the form of ECOMOG, also became involved in Sierra Leone. The intervention of both ECOMOG and PMC's in Sierra Leone failed to produce peace or the restoration of the state. Only the UN achieved peacemaking and the holding of an election. The conclusion of this thesis is that Sierra Leone fits in the theory of Reno (2001 ) re collapsed states. Sierra Leone is a typical example of a collapsed state and it also illustrates the validity of the concept. This however does not mean that Sierra Leone will be a collapsed state forever. There is the possibility that Sierra Leone can make a transition from a collapsed state to a stronger state to a more stable and functional state. It need, however, be noted that all conclusions in this thesis are of a preliminary nature. The conclusions will therefore be subject to further confirmation by later studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die kwessie van vervalle state met verwysing na William Reno (2001) se teorie. Sedert veral die einde van die Koue Oorlog vind ons die tendens dat verskeie state verval het. In hierdie tesis verwys die konsep van 'n vervalle staat na 'n situasie waar die struktuur, gesag, politieke orde en wette uitmekaar geval het. Die verskynsel van vervalle state is histories en kom wêreldwyd voor. Kontemporêre Afrika verskaf egter die meeste voorbeelde van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n voorbeeld van so 'n vervalle staat. Na die aanvang van die konflik in 1991 was die staat in Sierra Leone nie meer daartoe instaat om die funksies te verrig wat van 'n staat vereis word indien so 'n staat as 'n staat geag wil word nie. Die 'regering' in 'n vervalle staat beskik nie meer oor die kapasiteit om bindende, effektiewe besluite te neem nie. Die staat, as 'n basiese instelling, verloor sy soewereiniteit as die sentrale instelling in die samelewing. Die verval van 'n staat word toenemend met die uitbreek van 'n konflik- in hierdie geval 'n- hulpbronoorlog gekenmerk. Hulpbronne word deur die sleutelfigure, wat betrokke is in die hulpbronoorlog in die vervalle staat, gebruik om hulself te verryk. Hierdie hulpbronne word ook gebruik om die sleutelfigure se aksies en propaganda te finansier. Diamante is as hulpbron in Sierra Leone deur die 'regering' en Foday Sankoh, 'n rebellinsurgent, asook Charles Taylor, 'n oorlogsbaron, kommersieël uitgebuit. Die burgeroorlog met sy talle fasette, het tot die totale verval van die staat aanleiding gegee. Die kwessie van vredemaak het met die uitbreek van die konflik in Sierra Leone na vore getree. Die konflik in Sierra Leone was 'n intrastaatkonflik. Die primêre doel van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) is om internasionale vrede en sekuriteit te handhaaf. Intrastaatkonflikte as sulks maak nie deel uit van die tradisionele opdrag van die VN betreffende vredemaak nie. Die VN het gevolglik nie oor 'n basiese raamwerk beskik van hoe om by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke te raak nie. Die VN het eers in 1999 in die vorm van UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. Voor die intervensie van die VN het die 'regering' van Sierra Leone hom tot Private Militêre Bystand (PMB) in die vorm van 'Executive Outcomes' en 'Sandline International' gewend. Die problematiek insake PMB is dat dit nie deur internasioale organisasies soos die VN gesanksioneer word nie. As 'n regionale inisiatief het ECOWAS ook in die vorm van ECOMOG by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. In hierdie tesis sal daar gemeld word dat beide ECOMOG en PMB, met die uitsondering van die VN, se pogings vir vredemaak in Sierra Leone gefaal het. Die slotsom waartoe hierdie tesis kom is dat Sierra Leone inpas by Reno (2001) se teorie insake die verskynsel van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n tipiese voorbeeld van 'n vervalle staat en dit illustreer die geldigheid van die konsep. Dit beteken egter nie dat Sierra Leone permanent 'n vervalle staat hoef te wees nie. Die moontlikheid bestaan wel dat Sierra Leone die oorgang vanaf 'n vervalle staat na 'n stabieler, meer funksionele staat kan maak. Dit dien egter gemeld te word dat alle afleidings in hierdie tesis as voorlopig van aard beskou kan word. Hierdie afleidings is onderhewig aan verdere bevestiging of weerlegging deur latere studies.

A presente tese se propõe a avaliar os avanços e recuos do denominado Regime Internacional para Atrocidades (RIA), focando-se sobremaneira no seu principal desdobramento normativo e institucional: o Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI). Tais avanços e recuos não podem ser analisados somente a partir de qualificações políticas pragmáticas ou de princípios morais cosmopolitas reconhecidos pelo Tribunal, mas sim a partir da existência de um conflito de valores exposto na construção e consolidação do regime em questão: justiça versus paz, bem como da necessidade de superá-lo. É esse conflito entre a justiça internacional, interpretada de modo cosmopolita, e também pelo viés restrito do paradigma jurídico de enforcement dos direitos humanos, e a paz, interpretada como a ausência de conflito direto, bem como a consequente necessidade de arbitrá-lo, que nos permitirá fazer recomendações sobre o que se deve fazer para implementar um RIA realmente efetivo no sentido de livrar a humanidade das violações de direitos humanos que se qualificam como atrocidades, considerando as particularidades de contextos transicionais e ampliando a prestação de contas. A estratégia recomendada pela tese é a da combinação de uma justiça judicializada, que se traduz no TPI, com outros mecanismos de justiça transicional. Ademais, uma atuação do TPI sensível às vítimas e às atividades de peacebuilding é parte fundamental dessa estratégia. Os casos sob a investigação do TPI serão trazidos à tona na presente tese no sentido de ilustrar alguns aspectos do argumento principal nela estruturado. / This thesis aims to evaluate advances and shortcomings concerning the so-called International Atrocities Regime (IAR), focusing on its main normative and institutional achievement: the International Criminal Court (ICC). Such advances and shortcomings cannot be analised either exclusively through pragmatic political qualifications or through cosmopolitan moral principles embraced by the Court. Instead, we initially sustain the existence of a conflict of values apparent in the building up and consolidation of the above mentioned regime: the justice versus peace dilemma and the necessity of overcoming it. It is this dilemma between international justice, interpreted according to both a cosmopolitan perspective and a judicial paradigm of human rights enforcement, and peace, interpreted as the absence of direct conflict, and simultaneously the urgent need of managing this conflitct of value that will allow us to make some normative recommendations about what is to be done in order to implemente an effective IAR. By effectiveness, we mean both the prevention of humanity from suffering gross human rights violations qualified as atrocities, considering the particularities involved in transitional contexts, and the promotion of accountability. The strategy recommended by the thesis is the combination of a judicialized justice, translated into ICC practices, with other transitional justice mechanisms. In addition, an ICC performance sensible to victims and peacebuilding activities is a fundamental aspect of such a strategy. In this sense, the cases under ICC investigation will be mobilized in order to illustrate some aspects of the main argument structured in the thesis.

During World War II, the Japanese earned the reputation for cruelty toward their prisoners which surpassed the treatment accorded to POWs held by Germany and Italy. The conduct exhibited by the Japanese soldier was the result of a combination of ancient social and religious traditions made manifest by twentieth century documents. Through constant inculcation of ancient myths nurtured by a national religion, the Japanese believed that their holy mission was world domination. Believing themselves to be of divine origin, they treated all other races as inferior; therefore, the POWs suffered cruelties as sub-humans. The Japanese inflicted punishment and torture in the name of their emperor, believing that they did so through divine instruction. This study reveals how they arrived at this conviction.

In April 1994 Rwanda encountered the most gruesome political conflict, which was widely motivated by decades of ethnic tension, and resulted in the massive participation of ordinary Hutus slaughtering Tutsis, who are a minority along with the so-called moderate Hutus. Large numbers of ordinary Rwandans became killers, some willingly and some by force. About one million Rwandans, mostly Tutsis, lost their lives during the killings. Hence this historic event was declared to be genocide. The post-genocide government of Paul Kagame has been faced with the mission not only to reconcile the nation but also to forge a justice system that will assure Rwandans and those who committed crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity will be punished appropriately. It is outmost important to note that emphasis on justice in cases such as Rwandan genocide might be seen to be most desirable to victims in particular. This idea can be more dangerous particularly if the process takes place in an atmosphere which is characterised by political environment which is oppressive and autocratic. Realising the complexity of the conflict and inability of the conventional justice system to in dealing with the massive cases of people alleged to have participated in the killings or committed crime of genocide. The victims impatiently sought not only justice but answers to what has happened to their loved ones. On the other hand those labeled as perpetrators also wanted to clear their names since some of them believed that they were wrongfully accused and the process was taking too long. The Rwandan government was left with no option and decided to reintroduce the traditional justice system called the Gacaca. The Gacaca system was not only pioneered to render justice to the victims and those wrongfully accused but to reconcile as well as bring peace to the Rwandan society. This study is therefore aimed at providing a comprehensive and compelling explanation of the process and the operations of the Gacaca tribunals. Thus by means of both historical and empirical analysis, the study hopes to determine the challenges confronting the system and the promise it holds, if any, and to recommend the need to adopt and adapt to an approach which is wider and more integrated in dealing with reconciliation in the region. To accomplish this study, data was predominantly sourced from primary sources such as media reports and personal interviews with Rwandan community living in Durban, South Africa. The study revealed that the Rwandan genocide was marked by overwhelming public participation which makes Rwandan conflict even more complex. Killing was seen as work, as well as fulfilling the country's duty. On the other hand not killing was viewed as betrayal especially for thousands of peasants. Almost the entire population took part in the killings. The Gacaca is a unique approach of trying genocide perpetrators adopted in Rwanda. In this thesis I argue that it is through examination of different historical and social factors that the relevance of the Gacaca can be assessed. Furthermore my argument is that Rwanda needs a multi-faceted approach to confront complex problems that it faces politically and socially. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

This thesis examines how the First World War and the Holocaust fit into Western history and literary history by. It takes as its point of departure two arguments that currently enjoy, the favor of many specialists. First, it critiques the idea that the literature of the First World War is firmly embedded in the Western literary heritage while that of the Holocaust lies outside the realm of expression, a position that Jay Winter has taken a leading role in developing. Second, it challenges the notion that the Holocaust is an occurrence in history to which no other event offers parallels. The study argues that these points of view obscure our understanding of each disaster. In reality, personal narratives demonstrate that many survivors responded to the First World War and the Holocaust in similar ways. If this is true, then the Great War cannot be firmly embedded in the European cultural tradition while the Holocaust destroys it. A more accurate representation is that the first episode of industrial mass slaughter, the Great War, initiated a rupture in the Western historical and literary heritage that the Holocaust completed. / Department of History

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Auburn University, 2007. / Also available via the World Wide Web. Includes bibliographical references.

A presente tese se propõe a avaliar os avanços e recuos do denominado Regime Internacional para Atrocidades (RIA), focando-se sobremaneira no seu principal desdobramento normativo e institucional: o Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI). Tais avanços e recuos não podem ser analisados somente a partir de qualificações políticas pragmáticas ou de princípios morais cosmopolitas reconhecidos pelo Tribunal, mas sim a partir da existência de um conflito de valores exposto na construção e consolidação do regime em questão: justiça versus paz, bem como da necessidade de superá-lo. É esse conflito entre a justiça internacional, interpretada de modo cosmopolita, e também pelo viés restrito do paradigma jurídico de enforcement dos direitos humanos, e a paz, interpretada como a ausência de conflito direto, bem como a consequente necessidade de arbitrá-lo, que nos permitirá fazer recomendações sobre o que se deve fazer para implementar um RIA realmente efetivo no sentido de livrar a humanidade das violações de direitos humanos que se qualificam como atrocidades, considerando as particularidades de contextos transicionais e ampliando a prestação de contas. A estratégia recomendada pela tese é a da combinação de uma justiça judicializada, que se traduz no TPI, com outros mecanismos de justiça transicional. Ademais, uma atuação do TPI sensível às vítimas e às atividades de peacebuilding é parte fundamental dessa estratégia. Os casos sob a investigação do TPI serão trazidos à tona na presente tese no sentido de ilustrar alguns aspectos do argumento principal nela estruturado. / This thesis aims to evaluate advances and shortcomings concerning the so-called International Atrocities Regime (IAR), focusing on its main normative and institutional achievement: the International Criminal Court (ICC). Such advances and shortcomings cannot be analised either exclusively through pragmatic political qualifications or through cosmopolitan moral principles embraced by the Court. Instead, we initially sustain the existence of a conflict of values apparent in the building up and consolidation of the above mentioned regime: the justice versus peace dilemma and the necessity of overcoming it. It is this dilemma between international justice, interpreted according to both a cosmopolitan perspective and a judicial paradigm of human rights enforcement, and peace, interpreted as the absence of direct conflict, and simultaneously the urgent need of managing this conflitct of value that will allow us to make some normative recommendations about what is to be done in order to implemente an effective IAR. By effectiveness, we mean both the prevention of humanity from suffering gross human rights violations qualified as atrocities, considering the particularities involved in transitional contexts, and the promotion of accountability. The strategy recommended by the thesis is the combination of a judicialized justice, translated into ICC practices, with other transitional justice mechanisms. In addition, an ICC performance sensible to victims and peacebuilding activities is a fundamental aspect of such a strategy. In this sense, the cases under ICC investigation will be mobilized in order to illustrate some aspects of the main argument structured in the thesis.

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