Thesis (M.S.)--State University of Wisconsin at La Crosse.

Thesis (M.F.A.)--Boston University N.B.: Missing page 19. Thesis misnumbered.

Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University / This is a study of factors in the initial contact related to families' handling of a treatment plan offered by a child guidance clinic. When a clinic considers cases for treatment plans it is important to know as closely as possible that the family can and will use such help. The needs of the community for the helping services of the clinic as shown, in part, by the waiting lists are a charge to the clinic to offer treatment wisely. The nature of many of the problem situations presented for consideration is such that the decision can be a crucial one in the lives of whole families. Clinics do not offer a simple remedy, but a complex problem-solving process which involves two or more members of the family in a new kind of experience with the combined efforts of the clinic team. Each clinic has objective criteria to consider in making its selection of cases and each has a vital interest in broadening this objective base for a more scientific procedure. This study of factors relating to acceptance of treatment is pertinent to that interest. Two groups of twelve cases presenting similar problems have been compared. One group consists of cases which did not accept treatment when it was offered. The other is a group of cases which accepted and entered into treatment. The application interviews as recorded in the case records were examined by means of a schedule. The schedule was constructed to examine factual data and the attitudes of both parents toward help, toward their child and toward the problem. The information from the two groups was then contrasted in an attempt to identify any significant differences. [TRUNCATED]

Durante o século XIX, para financiar a atividade econômica, era comum as jovens nações captarem empréstimos no exterior com pagamento em moeda estrangeira. A prática, chamada de Pecado Original era comum no regime do padrão ouro e objetivava garantir aos credores segurança num mercado financeiro ainda em desenvolvimento, que não oferecia instrumentos de proteção contra a flutuação de moedas não lastreadas e para casos de mercado secundário pouco desenvolvido no país devedor. A prática de fornecer empréstimos com serviço em moeda estrangeira perdura pelo século XX com notável estabilidade, haja vista a retomada do sistema de câmbio fixo (Padrão Dólar-Ouro) durante o Fordismo. Neste período, protegidos pela estabilidade cambial, os países em desenvolvimento fizeram uso da prática de rolagem da dívida para cumprir suas obrigações e obter recursos para custear o crescimento de suas economias. O Brasil foi um bom exemplo desta prática. A crise da década de 1970, porém, põe fim ao regime de câmbio fixo. Com a flutuação das moedas estrangeiras, as taxas de juros internacionais tornam-se mais voláteis, colocando em risco todos os países em desenvolvimento que fizeram uso da estratégia de rolagem da dívida nas décadas anteriores. Em 1979, a elevação das taxas de juros internacionais arremessa a América Latina, em particular, numa crise de grandes proporções. Com a dívida atingindo um patamar considerado impagável, o México decreta moratória em 1982, o que cessa o fluxo de empréstimos para o subcontinente. Para administrar a crise, o FMI propõe em 1982 o pagamento integral dos débitos através do saldo nas balanças comerciais dos países endividados, a ser obtido com a desvalorização cambial. Ao longo da década de 1980, a crise latino-americana se aprofunda, com hiperinflação e recessão. Em 1985, no Plano Baker, o FMI reforça sua posição de 1982, sugerindo, porém, uma elevação dos empréstimos para reduzir a transferência líquida de divisas e, assim, custear o desenvolvimento. O Brasil adota planos econômicos heterodoxos que resultam em fracasso e, em 1987, decreta a moratória parcial de sua dívida. O Plano Baker fracassa e, em 1989, o FMI lança o Plano Brady, que pressupunha a securitização das dívidas e a redução do principal, apropriando-se de parte do desconto então praticado no mercado secundário. Com estas medidas, o FMI abria uma brecha para que os países endividados troquem suas dívidas em moeda estrangeira por títulos a serem pagos em moedas locais. O motivo que leva a esta mudança de postura está relacionado à própria transformação sistêmica da Economia Mundo, além da evolução dos mercados secundários e da emergência da doutrina Neoliberal a nortear as novas diretrizes do Fundo. Em 2005, após renegociar sua dívida e fazendo uso da possibilidade aberta como Plano Brady, o Brasil emite títulos no exterior com pagamento em Reais, rompendo com a cláusula secular do Pecado Original. / During the XIX century, it was very common for nations worldwide to raise debt internationally with payments due in foreign currency to finance economic activity. This practice, known as original sin, was common during the gold standard period, and aimed at ensuring safety to creditors in a financial market yet in development, with a lack of protection instruments against the floating of the unbacked currencies and for cases of an undeveloped secondary market in the debtor country. This practice of providing loans in foreign currency endures throughout the entire XX century with remarkable stability, given the recapture of the fixed exchange rate system (dollar-gold standard) during the Fordism. In said period, protected by exchange rate stability, developing countries made use of a practice called debt rollover to fulfill its obligations and raise funds to sustain its economies´ development. Brazil is a good example of this practice. The 1970 crisis puts an end to the fixed exchange rate system though. With foreign currencies fluctuation, international interest rates became more volatile, endangering all developing countries that used the debt rollover strategy at previous decades. In 1979, the rise in international interest rates puts Latin America in fullblown crisis. With its debt reaching a level considered priceless, Mexico defaults in 1982, ceasing the flow of loan money to the whole continent. Still in 1982, in order to manage the crisis, the IMF proposes the full payment of debts through balance in the trade balances of indebted countries, achieved via exchange rate devaluation. During the decade of 1980, the Latin American crisis deepens, resulting in hyperinflation and recession. In 1985 with the Baker plan, the IMF reinforces its position, but this time suggesting a rise in loans to reduce the net transfer of foreign currency and thus support development. Brazil adopts heterodox economic plans that with frustrating results and, in 1987, partially defaults its debt. The Baker plan fails and, in 1989, the IMF launches the Brady Plan, which involved the securitization of the debt and reduction of principal, appropriating part of the discount then practiced in the secondary market. With these measures, the IMF creates a loophole for indebted countries to switch its foreign currencies debts for bonds to be paid in local currency. The reason leading to this behavior change is not only connected to the very transformation of systemic world economy itself, but also to the evolution of secondary markets and the surge of the neoliberal doctrine guiding the fund´s new guidelines. In 2005, after renegotiating its debt and using the open possibility with the Brady Plan, Brazil issues bonds overseas with payment in Brazilian Reais, breaking the secular clause of the original sin.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2008. / Title from title page screen (viewed on Mar.9, 2009). Thesis advisor: Michael R. Fitzgerald. Document formatted into pages (xi, 226 p. : ill.). Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-210).

Durante o século XIX, para financiar a atividade econômica, era comum as jovens nações captarem empréstimos no exterior com pagamento em moeda estrangeira. A prática, chamada de Pecado Original era comum no regime do padrão ouro e objetivava garantir aos credores segurança num mercado financeiro ainda em desenvolvimento, que não oferecia instrumentos de proteção contra a flutuação de moedas não lastreadas e para casos de mercado secundário pouco desenvolvido no país devedor. A prática de fornecer empréstimos com serviço em moeda estrangeira perdura pelo século XX com notável estabilidade, haja vista a retomada do sistema de câmbio fixo (Padrão Dólar-Ouro) durante o Fordismo. Neste período, protegidos pela estabilidade cambial, os países em desenvolvimento fizeram uso da prática de rolagem da dívida para cumprir suas obrigações e obter recursos para custear o crescimento de suas economias. O Brasil foi um bom exemplo desta prática. A crise da década de 1970, porém, põe fim ao regime de câmbio fixo. Com a flutuação das moedas estrangeiras, as taxas de juros internacionais tornam-se mais voláteis, colocando em risco todos os países em desenvolvimento que fizeram uso da estratégia de rolagem da dívida nas décadas anteriores. Em 1979, a elevação das taxas de juros internacionais arremessa a América Latina, em particular, numa crise de grandes proporções. Com a dívida atingindo um patamar considerado impagável, o México decreta moratória em 1982, o que cessa o fluxo de empréstimos para o subcontinente. Para administrar a crise, o FMI propõe em 1982 o pagamento integral dos débitos através do saldo nas balanças comerciais dos países endividados, a ser obtido com a desvalorização cambial. Ao longo da década de 1980, a crise latino-americana se aprofunda, com hiperinflação e recessão. Em 1985, no Plano Baker, o FMI reforça sua posição de 1982, sugerindo, porém, uma elevação dos empréstimos para reduzir a transferência líquida de divisas e, assim, custear o desenvolvimento. O Brasil adota planos econômicos heterodoxos que resultam em fracasso e, em 1987, decreta a moratória parcial de sua dívida. O Plano Baker fracassa e, em 1989, o FMI lança o Plano Brady, que pressupunha a securitização das dívidas e a redução do principal, apropriando-se de parte do desconto então praticado no mercado secundário. Com estas medidas, o FMI abria uma brecha para que os países endividados troquem suas dívidas em moeda estrangeira por títulos a serem pagos em moedas locais. O motivo que leva a esta mudança de postura está relacionado à própria transformação sistêmica da Economia Mundo, além da evolução dos mercados secundários e da emergência da doutrina Neoliberal a nortear as novas diretrizes do Fundo. Em 2005, após renegociar sua dívida e fazendo uso da possibilidade aberta como Plano Brady, o Brasil emite títulos no exterior com pagamento em Reais, rompendo com a cláusula secular do Pecado Original. / During the XIX century, it was very common for nations worldwide to raise debt internationally with payments due in foreign currency to finance economic activity. This practice, known as original sin, was common during the gold standard period, and aimed at ensuring safety to creditors in a financial market yet in development, with a lack of protection instruments against the floating of the unbacked currencies and for cases of an undeveloped secondary market in the debtor country. This practice of providing loans in foreign currency endures throughout the entire XX century with remarkable stability, given the recapture of the fixed exchange rate system (dollar-gold standard) during the Fordism. In said period, protected by exchange rate stability, developing countries made use of a practice called debt rollover to fulfill its obligations and raise funds to sustain its economies´ development. Brazil is a good example of this practice. The 1970 crisis puts an end to the fixed exchange rate system though. With foreign currencies fluctuation, international interest rates became more volatile, endangering all developing countries that used the debt rollover strategy at previous decades. In 1979, the rise in international interest rates puts Latin America in fullblown crisis. With its debt reaching a level considered priceless, Mexico defaults in 1982, ceasing the flow of loan money to the whole continent. Still in 1982, in order to manage the crisis, the IMF proposes the full payment of debts through balance in the trade balances of indebted countries, achieved via exchange rate devaluation. During the decade of 1980, the Latin American crisis deepens, resulting in hyperinflation and recession. In 1985 with the Baker plan, the IMF reinforces its position, but this time suggesting a rise in loans to reduce the net transfer of foreign currency and thus support development. Brazil adopts heterodox economic plans that with frustrating results and, in 1987, partially defaults its debt. The Baker plan fails and, in 1989, the IMF launches the Brady Plan, which involved the securitization of the debt and reduction of principal, appropriating part of the discount then practiced in the secondary market. With these measures, the IMF creates a loophole for indebted countries to switch its foreign currencies debts for bonds to be paid in local currency. The reason leading to this behavior change is not only connected to the very transformation of systemic world economy itself, but also to the evolution of secondary markets and the surge of the neoliberal doctrine guiding the fund´s new guidelines. In 2005, after renegotiating its debt and using the open possibility with the Brady Plan, Brazil issues bonds overseas with payment in Brazilian Reais, breaking the secular clause of the original sin.

Baker Cabin, a pioneer log structure, is located on privately owned property near the community of Carver, Oregon. According to traditional accounts the cabin has existed continuously on this site since its construction in 1856. Archaeological excavations of the cabin's foundation and the surrounding area uncovered date-able artifacts and a second foundation with an associated well. Analysis of the artifacts associated with the present cabin foundation indicate a post-1870 construction date those associated with the second foundation and its well indicate an 1850’s occupation. Four hypotheses that are explored in this paper can be derived from the interpretation of all available data: Baker Cabin was constructed in 1856 at a presently undiscovered site on the claim but was moved to its present location about 1870. Baker Cabin was constructed in 1856 on the precise spot that it now stands but reconstruction by the Old Timers' Association involved a complete rebuilding of the foundation. Baker Cabin was constructed in 1856 on the present foundation but extensive repairs were done on the foundation in the 1870's. The old foundation represents a smaller cabin occupied from the late 1840's until 1856. The old foundation with its associated well represents the original construction am habitation of the site. The present cabin is not the original 1856 cabin referred to in tradition but is rather a cabin constructed about 1870. Data used in this research include excavated materials, informant interviews, and historical documents. The excavated materials consist of glass and pottery sherds, buttons, cartridges, and toys. Informants interviewed are Baker descendants, and they provided recollections, documents, and pictures. Historical documents used included census and tax assessment records, newspapers, Donation Land Claim material, and family ledgers. Results of this research reveal that the authentic history of Baker Cabin will not be known unless further evidence becomes available. The first two hypotheses would seem to have no validity, however, the third and fourth hypotheses can be supported by the available data.

This dissertation provides a narrative analysis of the political career of former Senate Majority Leader Howard H. Baker, Jr. Based principally upon findings from interviews, public papers, newspapers, and other primary sources, the study includes accounts of Mr. Baker's bids for Senate Republican Leader in 1969, 1971, and 1977, his campaign for the Presidency in 1980, and his failure to secure the nods for the position of Vice President in 1968, 1973, 1974, and 1976. Its focus, however, lies upon his legislative work and his role in the development of a statewide two-party system in his native Tennessee. It can be said without question that Baker defined the overriding issue of all Watergate investigations with his query, "What did the President know and when did he know it?" Equally evident from this treatise is Baker's role as the de facto architect of the coalition which emerged in the mid 1960s to challenge Democratic hegemony at the state level in Tennessee. With well-reasoned appeals to those groups disenchanted with those inBaker won a landslide victory in 1966 and even larger margins in 1972 and 1978. In the meantime, several younger Tennessee Republicans captured other onetime Democratic seats using much the same strategy.Much of Baker's success at the polls sprang from the perception that his outlook coincided sharply with the moderately conservative weltanschuung predominant within his constituency. Unlike many to his right, however, Baker believed his party could not be merely naysayers, but had a duty to offer alternatives to Democratic proposals for the alleviation of societal problems. Upon becoming Leader, he, following the pattern of Robert Taft, rallied his caucuses behind solutions utilizing the free-market approach. Well established by this time was his reputation as a problem-solver and a conciliator. Prior to 1977, he had played integral roles in the development of the Fair Housing Act, revenue sharing, the monumental antipollution bills of the early 1970s, the opening of the highway trust fund to mass transit programs, and legislation accelerating the reapportionment of state legislatures. Thereafter, he played equally significant, and sometimes determinative parts in the approval of the Panama Canal Treaties, the sale of jets to Saudi Arabia and Egypt, the creation of the Department of Education, the Reagan economic program, the lifting of the arms embargo on Turkey, and the designation of the birthday of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. as a federal holiday. Only Hubert Humphrey, Henry Jackson, and Russell Long among the Democrats with whom he served has as broad a scope of accomplishment. Within his own caucus, his only equal was Everett Dirksen, his father-in-law.

Thesis (M.A.)--David Lipscomb University. Graduate Department in Bible Studies, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-147).

Proefschrift--Amsterdam. / "Literatuuroverzicht": p. 303-315.