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United Nations peacekeeping has been distinguished as a bringer of peace and stability to countries plagued by war and insecurity. However, reports since the 1990s of sexual exploitations by peacekeeping personnel have tainted these accomplishments. At the same time as these reports started to surface there was an internal development within the UN where the security discourse went from being state focused to being focused on securing the population’s security and health. This new trend was established in the United Nations Development Programme in 1994 as Human Security and laid the ground for the structure of the peacekeeping operations. This study asks the question how these exploits can occur in a discursive context where the population’s welfare and health is the reference of intervention. By examining the following representative cases: the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Central African Republic (CAR), it can be seen how human security expresses a discursive reproduction of two different kinds of power: biopower and sovereign power. Through an analysis of the discourse in documents relating to the interventions it can be seen how these expressions of power creates a contextual environment where the sexual exploitations can take place.

Women and children are often the focus of humanitarian aid campaigns, generally considered to be the main victims of humanitarian emergencies. Previous research has explored the portrayal of victims within humanitarian action, focusing on humanitarian images, and how humanitarianism portrays the refugee. There is not, however, a lot of research that focuses on the humanitarian aid campaigns themselves, and not either on women´s victimisation specifically. This thesis thus makes a contribution to research by conducting a critical analysis of women´s portrayal in humanitarian aid campaigns, asking the research question of how women in the Democratic Republic of Congo are portrayed in humanitarian aid campaigns, with a broader aim of examining why humanitarian aid campaigns are gender based. I argue in this thesis through a single within case study that the empirical case “The worst period of her life” campaign created by ActionAid UK victimises women by associating women´s dignity with menstrual health, appealing to donors through the common hardships of menstruation, and picturing women as passive victims. The woman is portrayed as someone who is not capable of action, requiring external intervention. Using Agamben´s framework of “bare life” and homo sacer, this thesis concludes that women´s portrayal in the “The worst period of her life” campaign reduces the female victim to the realm of “bare life”. The already disadvantageous position that women have in the broader societal structure is reinforced by removing their agency in humanitarian aid campaigns. The results thus highlight problematic factors of women´s portrayal in humanitarian aid campaigns, opening for further research on the implications of the victimisation of women within humanitarian action.

On 27 February 2020, Erdogan announced that he would open the Turkish border, allowing refugees to cross into Europe. Greece’s response was the deployment of military forces and the suspension of asylum applications. This study theoretically draws heavily upon Giorgio Agamben’s work on biopolitics by analyzing discourses conducted by three representatives of the Greek government. It illustrates how the New Democracy party represents the arrival of asylum seekers at the Greek-Turkish border and investigates the rationale it developed regarding the implementation of the exceptional measures. The portrayal of asylum seekers as an ‘asymmetrical threat’ activates the biopolitical machine and through the exception, the sovereign exposes its raw power over the bodies of refugees, and the management of death becomes sovereign’s absolute objective. Consequently, the exception becomes indistinguishable from the norm and expands beyond the Greek-Turkish border, rendering those who dispute the Greek government’s practices as a potential homo sacer.

This essay explores monstrosity in two contemporary horror stories: “The Whistlers” by Amity Argot, and “Whitefall” by C.K. Walker, focusing on how the humans in these texts are monstrously transformed. The monsters and monstrosity present in the texts are read against some of the cultural anxieties of postmodernity, and against various monstrous frameworks such as that of the zombie, the terrorist, and the monstrous space and nature. Both texts present monstrous spaces intent on perverting humans by eroding them physically until they reach a state of bare life that mimics zombification and may allegorize socioeconomic inequality, displacement, and the effects of capitalism; as well as by enticing them to commit atrocities against each other and transgress the very moral boundaries that defined them as human, up to and including cannibalism. In this way, these monsters reveal humans as their own annihilators, laying bare an innate human monstrosity that emerges from the traumatic conditions of postmodernity.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:12:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Oliveira.pdf: 62201460 bytes, checksum: 7bd1951f3685c007ed4c8fd33e190d34 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Zombies have been part of people s imagination for many centuries. However, for the last twenty years, a zombie culture has been developed and it has been taking its place throughout different types of media, such as audiovisual and press. Moreover, this culture has also been present in people´s celebrations and manifestations, for example: festivals, parties, performances, etc. The purpose of this dissertation is to identify how the new versions of zombies constitute not only a form of entertainment, but also a political metaphor, representing the disqualification of human life (bare life) and the fine line between life and death. This research comprises from the pioneer movie Night Of The Living Dead (1968), directed by filmmaker George Romero, to recent work related to films, comic books, photographs and images found online. The methodology brings together bibliographical research and the analysis of images which were selected from diverse media. The theoretical context is formed by the political studies of the fictional genre, which are based on body horror, proposed by Benjamin Noys (2005), and the analysis of Auschwitz Living Dead, known as Muselmann and transformed into one of the important paradigms of contemporary political philosophy by Giorgio Agamben (2008). The study of the way man s natural life influences power mechanisms will be carried in the field of communication throughout the corpomidia theory (KATZ & GREINER, 2005). The expected result is the questioning and discussion of the apathy that is brought by zombies, which characterizes some of the fundamental dimensions of current social behavior in society and in the media / O personagem zumbi faz parte da imaginação humana há muitos séculos, no entanto, nos últimos vinte anos tem constituído a chamada cultura zumbi que ocupa diferentes ambientes midiáticos como a mídia impressa, audiovisual e uma pluralidade de manifestações urbanas (festivais, festas, performances etc). O objetivo desta dissertação é identificar como as novas versões dos zumbis constituem, mais do que mero entretenimento, uma metáfora política, representando a desqualificação da vida humana (vida nua) e o limiar entre a vida e a morte. O corpus da pesquisa reúne desde o filme pioneiro Night Of The Living Dead (1968), dirigido pelo cineasta George Romero, até experiências recentes (cinema, quadrinhos, fotografias, imagens de internet). A metodologia alia pesquisa bibliográfica e análise de imagens selecionadas em diversas mídias. Integram o contexto teórico, os estudos políticos do gênero ficcional baseado no cinema de terror ou body horror propostos por Benjamin Noys (2005) e a análise dos chamados Mortos-Vivos de Auschwitz, conhecidos como Muselmann , e transformados em um dos importantes paradigmas da filosofia política contemporânea por Giorgio Agamben (2008). O estudo da implicação da vida natural do homem nos mecanismos e nos cálculos do poder será ainda abordado tendo como referência a área da comunicação, através da teoria corpomídia (KATZ & GREINER, 2005). O resultado esperado é a problematização de uma certa apatia, representada pelos zumbis, que caracteriza algumas dimensões fundamentais do comportamento social hoje, na vida e em seus diversos ambientes midiáticos

A complexa filosofia de Giorgio Agamben convoca-nos a compreender a crise dos atuais modelos político-governamentais e a hodierna lógica da segurança que, sob a doutrina do medo orquestrado, visa à eliminação dos não-integráveis, como igualmente nos convida a abarcar na defesa de uma nova ontologia política além da tradição da soberania e do direito. Do confronto entre as conceituações semânticas do termo vida e da relação desta com o poder soberano, inclusive numa sociedade biopolítica de normalização, emerge o protagonista da obra agambeniana, a vida nua. Uma vida que não é inauguração moderna, mas atividade originária do poder soberano, quer dizer, uma vida que pode ser detectada tanto na pólis e na civitas - na figura do homo sacer -, assim como no totalitarismo moderno e, rasteiramente, na democracia em que vivemos. Trata-se de uma vida absolutamente matável e exposta à morte que, fundada numa relação de exclusão inclusiva, isto é, de abandono, revela o verdadeiro vínculo social. O que une vida e lei, violência e norma, é o estado de exceção. A norma se aplica à exceção desaplicando-se: a força-de-lei exercida no estado de exceção não põe, nem conserva, o direito, mas o conserva suspendendo-o e o põe excetuando-se. Uma figura em que factum e ius tornam-se indiscerníveis e homines sacri são produzidos a esmo; um espaço onde distinções políticas tradicionais como direita e esquerda, público e privado, perdem sua clareza e inteligibilidade. Uma indiscernibilidade que pode ser materializada no campo, seja de refugiados, seja de concentração, seja o hoje vigente e ainda inominado, de modo que o campo reflete o próprio paradigma da atualidade. Esta é a era da exceção em permanência. O caminho para a desativação dessa relação é a profanação, figura em que se busca uma nova forma-de-vida que não seja inaugurada pela lembrança teológica da política soberana e do direito, mas que reflita uma comunidade que vem capaz de desativar a máquina biopolítica produtora da vida nua e torne inoperante o atual conceito de político-jurídico: uma nova comunidade que pense além da soberania, do bando soberano e do próprio direito. Trata-se de uma comunidade de singularidades, sem identidade, sem propriedades e destinos, mas que seja pura potencialidade, que seja em si como ela é, quer dizer, que não possua qualquer tarefa enquanto fim, mas tão somente meios sem fins. / The complex philosophy of Giorgio Agamben summons us to review the crisis of the existing political-juridical models and the on-going governmental security rationale, which, based on a pre-oriented administration of fear, aims at eliminating those somehow non-adapted, as well as to join a defence towards a new political ontology beyond the tradition of sovereignty and law. Through the confront of semantically distinct definitions of life and its relation with the sovereign power, including under a biopolitical normalizing society, emerges the protagonist of Agamben`s work, the bare life. A life that is not a modern phenomena but the original activity of the sovereign power, that is, a life exposed to death that can be found either in the pólis or the civitas - in the form of homo sacer or in the modern totalitarianism as well as the democracy that we live in. A life that is permanently subject to death and, founded on an inclusive exclusion relation, that is, a relation of abandonment, exposes the real social bound. The state of exception links life and law, violence and norm. The law is applied through its own withdrawal: the force-oflaw exercised in the state of exception does not posit nor conserve the law, but conserves it through its suspension and posits it through the exception. A place where factum and ius are brought into conjunction and homines sacri are freely produced, a space where traditional political categories such as right and left, public and private, loses clearness and intelligibility. A zone of indistinction materialized in the camp, either of refugees or concentration camps or those in full force and effect and yet unnamed. The camp is the contemporary political paradigm and this is the era in which the exception becomes the rule. The way out to deactivate such relation is to profane, a political task in search for a new form-of-life that abolishes any remembrance of theological sovereign politics and law and that reflects a coming community able to turn inoperative the biopolitical machine producer of bare life: a new community that thinks beyond sovereignty, the sovereign band and the law itself. A community composed of singularities, with no identity nor properties or destinies, but pure potentiality. A community free of means in search for an end, but solely a community of pure means without ends.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:44:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jackson Luiz Nunes Bentes.pdf: 7635456 bytes, checksum: 918bda18e6c79858e18418a6a516faf2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-01 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / The thesis of this research follows two parallel lines: the first affirms that the history of infancy constructs the identity of infancy, in other words, infancy is not understood as a chronological issue but rather becomes a question of language. In the second line of research, the the shadow of infancy comes into play. Here we have in mind what Walter Benjamin, the major influence on this work, coined as the concept of bare life, which paved the way to think about childhood as lived in the shadow of bio-politics, of which Kaspar Hauser is an emblematic example. This research has been conducted by sifting through the intricacies of history, the condition named infancy, and the being named child. The central problem is how to think of the life of the being named child insofar as this life is determined by power. Reflecting on the child and on infancy from philosophy to the language of the cinema, we find the film, The Enigma of Kaspar Hauser. He is an emblematic personage of what Benjamin termed bare life, which later Michel Foucault called bio-politics. Along with the analysis of this film, the intention of the present thesis is to recover a reflection on infancy which can take into account, and at the same time move beyond, the cultural production and naturalization of childhood. What is infancy? This question serves as the common thread tying together the parallel lines of research referring to the problem of naturalization. Thus, it is language which seems to permit the thinking about the child and infancy and their submission to power, moving beyond the illusions of nature. / A tese desta investigação segue duas linhas paralelas. Na primeira desenha-se a história da infância a partir da qual é possível dizer que se construiu uma identidade da infância. Na segunda, entra em jogo a questão da vida à sombra da infância . Nesta linha, tem-se em mente que Walter Benjamin, autor fundamental para este trabalho, ao cunhar o conceito de vida nua , abriu caminho para se pensar a questão da infância sob um viés que, mais tarde, Michel Foucault, ainda que se ocupando de outras questões, chamou de biopolítica. Para realizar esta investigação, percorre-se um caminho que perpassa os meandros da história, da condição do ser ao qual se deu o nome de infância e o ser que se chamou de criança. O problema central é pensar a questão da vida deste ser chamado criança enquanto esta vida é determinada pelo poder. Refletindo sobre a criança e a infância, ou as infâncias, desde a filosofia até a linguagem do cinema, encontrou-se o filme O Enigma de Kaspar Hauser , que revela um personagem emblemático daquilo que Benjamin chamou de vida nua . Juntamente com a análise deste filme, a intenção da presente pesquisa é resgatar uma reflexão sobre a infância que seja capaz de levar em conta a produção cultural da infância para além da naturalização do infantil. A pergunta que serve de fio vermelho costurando as linhas paralelas refere-se ao problema da naturalização. A linguagem parece ser o que permite pensar a criança e a infância e toda a submissão ao poder à qual ela foi condenada indo, por meio disso, para além das ilusões da natureza .

My reading of the figure of Adele, a woman with dementia, in David Chariandy’s novel Soucouyant: A Novel of Forgetting (2007), brings Giorgio Agamben’s biopolitical concept of “bare life” together with the notion of the subject in diaspora to theorize a new mentality that I call “bare mind.” The notion of “bare mind” addresses how cognitive imperialism creates a biopolitical state of exception both under forms of sovereign power and within a liberal regime of multicultural governmentality, while acknowledging the ways in which dementia, portrayed as the ‘forgetting’ of dominant knowledge regimes, reveals resistance to cognitive imperialism. / Graduate / 0352 / rebekah.ludolph@gmail.com

A complexa filosofia de Giorgio Agamben convoca-nos a compreender a crise dos atuais modelos político-governamentais e a hodierna lógica da segurança que, sob a doutrina do medo orquestrado, visa à eliminação dos não-integráveis, como igualmente nos convida a abarcar na defesa de uma nova ontologia política além da tradição da soberania e do direito. Do confronto entre as conceituações semânticas do termo vida e da relação desta com o poder soberano, inclusive numa sociedade biopolítica de normalização, emerge o protagonista da obra agambeniana, a vida nua. Uma vida que não é inauguração moderna, mas atividade originária do poder soberano, quer dizer, uma vida que pode ser detectada tanto na pólis e na civitas - na figura do homo sacer -, assim como no totalitarismo moderno e, rasteiramente, na democracia em que vivemos. Trata-se de uma vida absolutamente matável e exposta à morte que, fundada numa relação de exclusão inclusiva, isto é, de abandono, revela o verdadeiro vínculo social. O que une vida e lei, violência e norma, é o estado de exceção. A norma se aplica à exceção desaplicando-se: a força-de-lei exercida no estado de exceção não põe, nem conserva, o direito, mas o conserva suspendendo-o e o põe excetuando-se. Uma figura em que factum e ius tornam-se indiscerníveis e homines sacri são produzidos a esmo; um espaço onde distinções políticas tradicionais como direita e esquerda, público e privado, perdem sua clareza e inteligibilidade. Uma indiscernibilidade que pode ser materializada no campo, seja de refugiados, seja de concentração, seja o hoje vigente e ainda inominado, de modo que o campo reflete o próprio paradigma da atualidade. Esta é a era da exceção em permanência. O caminho para a desativação dessa relação é a profanação, figura em que se busca uma nova forma-de-vida que não seja inaugurada pela lembrança teológica da política soberana e do direito, mas que reflita uma comunidade que vem capaz de desativar a máquina biopolítica produtora da vida nua e torne inoperante o atual conceito de político-jurídico: uma nova comunidade que pense além da soberania, do bando soberano e do próprio direito. Trata-se de uma comunidade de singularidades, sem identidade, sem propriedades e destinos, mas que seja pura potencialidade, que seja em si como ela é, quer dizer, que não possua qualquer tarefa enquanto fim, mas tão somente meios sem fins. / The complex philosophy of Giorgio Agamben summons us to review the crisis of the existing political-juridical models and the on-going governmental security rationale, which, based on a pre-oriented administration of fear, aims at eliminating those somehow non-adapted, as well as to join a defence towards a new political ontology beyond the tradition of sovereignty and law. Through the confront of semantically distinct definitions of life and its relation with the sovereign power, including under a biopolitical normalizing society, emerges the protagonist of Agamben`s work, the bare life. A life that is not a modern phenomena but the original activity of the sovereign power, that is, a life exposed to death that can be found either in the pólis or the civitas - in the form of homo sacer or in the modern totalitarianism as well as the democracy that we live in. A life that is permanently subject to death and, founded on an inclusive exclusion relation, that is, a relation of abandonment, exposes the real social bound. The state of exception links life and law, violence and norm. The law is applied through its own withdrawal: the force-oflaw exercised in the state of exception does not posit nor conserve the law, but conserves it through its suspension and posits it through the exception. A place where factum and ius are brought into conjunction and homines sacri are freely produced, a space where traditional political categories such as right and left, public and private, loses clearness and intelligibility. A zone of indistinction materialized in the camp, either of refugees or concentration camps or those in full force and effect and yet unnamed. The camp is the contemporary political paradigm and this is the era in which the exception becomes the rule. The way out to deactivate such relation is to profane, a political task in search for a new form-of-life that abolishes any remembrance of theological sovereign politics and law and that reflects a coming community able to turn inoperative the biopolitical machine producer of bare life: a new community that thinks beyond sovereignty, the sovereign band and the law itself. A community composed of singularities, with no identity nor properties or destinies, but pure potentiality. A community free of means in search for an end, but solely a community of pure means without ends.