No description available.

M.Tech. Agriculture / Sweet peppers (Capsicum annuum L.) are also known as bell peppers or capsicum belonging to the family Solanaceae. The sweet pepper contains various bioactive compounds along with significant amounts of beta-carotene (provitamin-A) and other similar compounds. This technological study was carried out to investigate the influence of photo-selective nets (ChromatiNet™) (red, pearl and yellow), with 40% shading effect, on the morphological parameters (plant height, leaf chlorophyll, stem diameter, leaf area, number of leaves, number of flowers, number of fruit, fruit weight, marketable yield, and pest and disease incidence, the fruit quality parameters (fruit mass, firmness, colour, soluble solids content and titratable acidity) and health promoting compounds (ascorbic acid, lycopene content, β-carotene, total phenols and flavonoids, and antioxidant scavenging activity) of three selected sweet pepper cultivars at harvest maturity stage. The commercially used black net (25% shading) was also included for comparison measures (control). The photosynthetically active radiation, air temperature and relative humidity were monitored throughout the growing period.

No description available.

Producing red bell peppers in high temperature and light environments can be challenging because many new semi-indeterminate varieties produce small plant canopies that leave fruit exposed to damage (sunscald) caused by solar radiation. Pepper production in Utah coincides with high air temperatures and solar radiation levels during July, August, and September. Increasing plant canopy size is one way to protect fruit from solar radiation. Low tunnels optimize plant growth by increasing air and soil temperatures. Growing plants under low tunnels early in the season could increase fruit shading later in the season. Another way to protect fruit is by using mechanical shade. Hanging shade cloth over a crop has been shown to decrease air temperatures and solar radiation levels reaching fruit. While the common production practice is to horizontally orient shade cloth, vertically orienting shade cloth may also be effective by providing shade to the crop in the morning and evening. These protection methods were evaluated in Layton, Utah for effectiveness of increasing yield by decreasing sunscald occurrence. While plants grown under low tunnels for two weeks after transplanting had larger canopies, they did not increase yield or decrease sunscald compared to plants not grown under low tunnels. Vertical shade increased yield and decreased sunscald most effectively when combined with plants grown under low tunnels. Vertical shade protected exposed fruit when the sun was at lower elevations while increased canopy shade protected fruit when the sun was at high solar elevations. Horizontal shade completely eliminated sunscald and produced the largest yields of high quality fruit. The additional costs associated with using supplemental shade were offset by increased yields and higher value of larger fruit. Separate studies were carried out to determine how sunlight and wind influence the temperature of pepper fruit. Sunlight exceeding 550 W·m-2 increased pepper fruit surface temperature (FST) to damaging levels. Wind decreased pepper FST but moderate wind speeds (3.0 m·s-1) did not decrease it below damaging levels. To insure protection, growers should apply supplemental shade when solar radiation levels exceed 550 W·m-2. These results provide improved guidelines for growers interested in using supplemental shade to provide pepper fruit for local and national consumption. Additionally, pepper growers in high air temperature and light environments can increase productivity and profitability with the use of supplemental shade.

By the beginning of the nineteenth century a wide cross-section of British society had strongly correlated the notions of ‘civilization’ and ‘true religion’ with the accurate measurement and profitable use of time. Their specific experience of time, however, was not a human universal but a cultural construct, deeply embedded within the clock-governed milieu of industrial-capitalist and Christian society. Consequently, in the British colonies, the portrayal of indigenous societies as being ‘time-less’ (i.e.: culturally lacking regularity, order and uniformity) came to operate as a means of constructing an inferior, ‘irregular other’. By way of two case-studies – located in the 19th-century British settler-colonies of Victoria (Australia) and the Cape Colony (South Africa) – this thesis documents the manner in which nineteenth-century British missionary and settler-colonial discourse constructed the notion of ‘time-less’ indigenous cultures. Such apparent inferiority, this thesis argues, bolstered the depiction of indigenous societies as culturally inadequate – a representation that helped to rationalize and justify settler-colonialism’s claims upon indigenous land. / The negative portrayals of ‘Aboriginal time’ and ‘African time’ also helped to cast these societies as particularly in need of temporal reform. Indeed the latter were considered to be not only out of place but also ‘out of time’ within the timescape of Christian/capitalist rituals and routines. This study highlights some of the everyday means by which British settler-colonists and Protestant missionaries sought to reform the time-orientation and rhythms of indigenous societies. The evidence provided suggests that cultural colonization in the British settler-colonies was configured – to a greater extent than previous understandings allow – by an attack on non-capitalist and non-Christian attitudes to time. Christianizing and ‘civilizing’ meant imposing – coercively and ideologically – the temporal rituals and routines of British middle-class society. / Although the universalizing will of nineteenth-century European cultural expansion was reflected in its attempt to impose a specifically western view of time upon the world, the process of temporal colonization was neither homogeneous throughout the colonies, nor uncontested by indigenous societies. On the one hand, settler-colonialism’s diverging economic objectives in the Cape and Victoria – shaped as they were by economic land/labour requirements, demographics, and localized visions of race – defined the various manners in which Europeans viewed, and sought to colonize ‘indigenous time’. On the other hand, indigenous people in both settings often successfully managed either to defy the imposition of clock-governed culture, to establish compromises between the new and old rhythms, or to exploit the temporal discourses of their self-styled reformers. This suggests that time in the colonial context may be seen as a two-edged sword: not only as an instrument of colonial power, but also as a medium for anti-colonial resistance. / By analysing the discursive constructions of a temporal other, and by documenting the everyday struggles over the dominant tempo of society, this thesis highlights time’s central role in the colonial encounter and seeks to further our understandings of the process and implications of settler-colonization and Christianization.

<p> </p><p><em>For Whom the Bell Tolls</em> is Ernest Hemingway's story of the Spanish Civil War. This war has often been seen as a conflict between good and evil, and the novel is frequently viewed as a way of illustrating the brotherhood of man in its portrayal of how Robert Jordan fights as a volunteer for the republicans against the fascists. This essay shows that Jordan actually loses his faith in the war. I instead propose that his determination to perform his mission is regained through Maria, and that he integrates with her as he finishes his mission. Initially, Jordan becomes alienated because he discovers the hopelessness and immorality of the republican struggle. The fascists are really not true enemies, and the republicans seem to have become the very evil that they originally set out to destroy. His faith in his mission is regained through Maria, and the completion of his mission becomes entwined with his integration with her. It becomes clear that she, a character whose thematic importance has often been neglected, is a part of the natural world. By becoming a part of nature, Jordan can thus become an eternal part of her. As he finishes his mission, his integration with nature intensifies. As he awaits death after having finished his mission, he literally becomes a part of nature and thematically a part of Maria, and even though he will die, the lovers are united. This, I suggest, is the complete integration that Jordan experiences.</p><p> </p><p> </p>

For Whom the Bell Tolls is Ernest Hemingway's story of the Spanish Civil War. This war has often been seen as a conflict between good and evil, and the novel is frequently viewed as a way of illustrating the brotherhood of man in its portrayal of how Robert Jordan fights as a volunteer for the republicans against the fascists. This essay shows that Jordan actually loses his faith in the war. I instead propose that his determination to perform his mission is regained through Maria, and that he integrates with her as he finishes his mission. Initially, Jordan becomes alienated because he discovers the hopelessness and immorality of the republican struggle. The fascists are really not true enemies, and the republicans seem to have become the very evil that they originally set out to destroy. His faith in his mission is regained through Maria, and the completion of his mission becomes entwined with his integration with her. It becomes clear that she, a character whose thematic importance has often been neglected, is a part of the natural world. By becoming a part of nature, Jordan can thus become an eternal part of her. As he finishes his mission, his integration with nature intensifies. As he awaits death after having finished his mission, he literally becomes a part of nature and thematically a part of Maria, and even though he will die, the lovers are united. This, I suggest, is the complete integration that Jordan experiences.

Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Auburn University, 2009. / Abstract. Includes bibliographic references (p.72-81).

Le Vanadium produit dans le monde est issus à près de 90% de complexes ignés comme celui du Bushveld en Afrique du Sud. Le Complexe de la Rivière Bell est localisé dans le camp minier de Matagami, au nord de la province d'Abitibi. C'est une intrusion litée de 750km2, d'âge 2725Ma qui présente un potentiel en vanadium, fer et titane. La partie ouest du complexe, entourée de gisements de sulfures massifs volcanogènes, présente une base de gabbros, une zone supérieure litée de gabbronorites contenant des lits d'oxydes à Fe-Ti-V, surmontée par une zone de granophyres. La zone d'oxydes, hôte des minéralisations en vanadium fut jusqu'à présent peu étudiée. La zone litée est marquée par un métamorphisme rétrograde au faciès amphibolite à schistes verts. Elle comprend des lits d'oxydes massifs et semi-massifs globalement orientés Est-Ouest, à pendage subvertical et à polarité vers le Nord. Elle contient également des séquences de gabbronorites mélanocrates à leucocrates, à oxydes disséminés. Les zones d'oxydes ont une épaisseur jusqu'à 200m avec des lits centimétriques à décimétriques, dont les teneurs moyennes de 27,3% Fe, 39,04% Fe2O3, 6,55% TiO2 et 0,42% V2O5. On observe plusieurs séquences magmatiques primaires, directement liées au processus de cristallisation fractionnée. Une phase tardimagmatique de bréchification, donnant des brèches à ciment de gabbronorites pegmatitiques, est présente au sommet de la zone litée. Les oxydes présents dans la zone litée sont l'ilménite et la titanomagnétite. La titanomagnétite présente des exsolutions d'ilménite en treillis associées à de l'ulvöspinelle et de l'hercynite. Le vanadium est inclus dans la structure cristalline de la magnétite où les ions V3+ vont remplacer les ions Fe3+. Les observations texturales et les analyses géochimiques montrent que la zone supérieure litée du Complexe de la Rivière Bell est vraisemblablement issus d'une injection de magma mafique associée à un mélange avec un liquide résiduel enrichi en V-Fe-Ti. Ce mélange est possiblement issu de la zone de gabbros massifs sous-jacente. Plusieurs particularités distinguent le Complexe de la Rivière Bell d'autres complexes connus dans le monde comme celui du Bushveld, impliquant une mise en place avec un fort contraste thermique, vraisemblablement à faible profondeur. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : gisement de vanadium, complexe mafique, titanomagnétite, litage magmatique, cristallisation fractionnée.

By the beginning of the nineteenth century a wide cross-section of British society had strongly correlated the notions of ‘civilization’ and ‘true religion’ with the accurate measurement and profitable use of time. Their specific experience of time, however, was not a human universal but a cultural construct, deeply embedded within the clock-governed milieu of industrial-capitalist and Christian society. Consequently, in the British colonies, the portrayal of indigenous societies as being ‘time-less’ (i.e.: culturally lacking regularity, order and uniformity) came to operate as a means of constructing an inferior, ‘irregular other’. By way of two case-studies – located in the 19th-century British settler-colonies of Victoria (Australia) and the Cape Colony (South Africa) – this thesis documents the manner in which nineteenth-century British missionary and settler-colonial discourse constructed the notion of ‘time-less’ indigenous cultures. Such apparent inferiority, this thesis argues, bolstered the depiction of indigenous societies as culturally inadequate – a representation that helped to rationalize and justify settler-colonialism’s claims upon indigenous land. / The negative portrayals of ‘Aboriginal time’ and ‘African time’ also helped to cast these societies as particularly in need of temporal reform. Indeed the latter were considered to be not only out of place but also ‘out of time’ within the timescape of Christian/capitalist rituals and routines. This study highlights some of the everyday means by which British settler-colonists and Protestant missionaries sought to reform the time-orientation and rhythms of indigenous societies. The evidence provided suggests that cultural colonization in the British settler-colonies was configured – to a greater extent than previous understandings allow – by an attack on non-capitalist and non-Christian attitudes to time. Christianizing and ‘civilizing’ meant imposing – coercively and ideologically – the temporal rituals and routines of British middle-class society. / Although the universalizing will of nineteenth-century European cultural expansion was reflected in its attempt to impose a specifically western view of time upon the world, the process of temporal colonization was neither homogeneous throughout the colonies, nor uncontested by indigenous societies. On the one hand, settler-colonialism’s diverging economic objectives in the Cape and Victoria – shaped as they were by economic land/labour requirements, demographics, and localized visions of race – defined the various manners in which Europeans viewed, and sought to colonize ‘indigenous time’. On the other hand, indigenous people in both settings often successfully managed either to defy the imposition of clock-governed culture, to establish compromises between the new and old rhythms, or to exploit the temporal discourses of their self-styled reformers. This suggests that time in the colonial context may be seen as a two-edged sword: not only as an instrument of colonial power, but also as a medium for anti-colonial resistance. / By analysing the discursive constructions of a temporal other, and by documenting the everyday struggles over the dominant tempo of society, this thesis highlights time’s central role in the colonial encounter and seeks to further our understandings of the process and implications of settler-colonization and Christianization.