University of the Witwatersrand Department of Political Studies

Almost 20 years after the white Nationalist government was voted out, some black South Africans believe that black solidarity is still necessary in South Africa. These people argue that since post-apartheid South Africa is still marred with racial injustice, it makes sense for blacks to advocate for black solidarity. Although it is true that black solidarity played an important role in the struggle against apartheid, in this thesis I argue that the struggle against current forms of racial injustice does not necessarily require black solidarity. This is not to deny the prevailing racialized oppression in the post-apartheid era, nor to deny the importance of black solidarity in the past; rather the point I am making is that the current form of racial oppression is somewhat different from the one before 1994. Hence I argue in this thesis that the current form of racial oppression requires us to do certain things differently. Doing things differently means improving upon the strategies of the past. For this to happen, I argue that every human being who believes in and is committed to racial justice ought to be included in the struggle for justice. Change, after all, is brought about when committed human beings work together for liberation and justice.

The struggle reaches back to the days of the first white settlement in our country. In this chapter we will look at some of these traditions of our struggle. We will learn more about the people who were in South Africa when the settlers came, and how they fought bravely to live in peace on their land. We will also read about the many changes that happened, particularly after diamonds and gold were discovered and how people continued to struggle against the new conditions that made their lives even harder. / “We call the farmers of the reserves and trust lands. Let us speak of the wide land, and the narrow strips on which we toil. Let us speak of brothers without land, and of children without schooling. Let us speak of taxes and of cattle, and of famine. LET US SPEAK OF FREEDOM.”

No abstract available. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1985.

This is a historical study of AWG Champion, the former leader of the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) and provincial President of the African National Congress, in the politics of Zululand and Natal from 1965 to 1975. The study examines the introduction of the Zulu homeland and how different political forces in that region of South Africa responded to the idea of a Zulu homeland during the period under review. It also deals with Champion's political alienation from the ANC. This dissertation is also a study of the development of Zulu ethnic nationalism within the structures of apartheid or separate development, the homelands. Issues running throughout the study are the questions of how and why Champion tried and failed to manipulate `separate development' in order to build a Zulu ethnic political base. / History / M.A. (History)

This is a historical study of AWG Champion, the former leader of the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) and provincial President of the African National Congress, in the politics of Zululand and Natal from 1965 to 1975. The study examines the introduction of the Zulu homeland and how different political forces in that region of South Africa responded to the idea of a Zulu homeland during the period under review. It also deals with Champion's political alienation from the ANC. This dissertation is also a study of the development of Zulu ethnic nationalism within the structures of apartheid or separate development, the homelands. Issues running throughout the study are the questions of how and why Champion tried and failed to manipulate `separate development' in order to build a Zulu ethnic political base. / History / M.A. (History)

This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

INTIMIDATION AS A FACTOR IN THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE OF SOUTH AFRICA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO BELA BELA (WARMBATHS): AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE The cultural revitalisation or adjustment model of Anthony Wallace provides a basis for interpreting religious, political and other revitalisation movements. This study focuses on political revitalisation movements. Participation in the activities of revitalisation movements does not always occur voluntarily. Leaders of such movements apply techniques and methods of intimidation enforcing change and participation. In South Africa, political revitalisation was inter alia brought about by the ANC as political liberation movement who used methods of violent and non-violent intimidation to force people, regardless of their ethnic affiliation, to support the movement and enforce political change. The ANC inter alia used charactersitic cultural phenomena and components of Bantu-speakers as resources for intimidation to ensure unanimity, participation and ultimately to achieve political liberation. Cultural components that were exploited included communality, group solidarity, administration of justice, songs and dances. / INTIMIDASIE AS 'N FAKTOR IN DIE VRYHEIDSTRYD IN SUID-AFRIKA MET SPESIALE VERWYSING NA BELA BELA (WARMBAD): 'N ANTROPOLOGIESE PERSPEK.TIEF Kulturele vernuwmg ts 'n universele verskynsel. Anthony Wallace se model van kulturele vernuwing of -aanpassing bied 'n raamwerk vir die verduideliking en interpretasie van die fases waardeur kulturele vernuwingsbewegings van 'n godsdienstige, politieke of ander aard ontwikkel. In hierdie studie word daar uitsluitlik gefokus op vernuwingsbewegings van 'n politieke aard. Aangesien deelname aan die aktiwiteite van kulturele vernuwings- en aanpassingsbewegings nie noodwendig vrywillig geskied nie, het leiers van hierdie bewegings gebruik gemaak van tegnieke en metodes van intimidasie om deelname en vernuwing op die massas af te dwing. In SuidAfrika is politieke vernuwing onder andere teweeggebring deur die ANC as politieke bevrydingsbeweging. Die ANC het gebruik gemaak van gewelddadige (harde of direkte) sowel as nie-geweldadige (sagte of indirekte) intimidasie om mense, ongeag hulle etniese aanhorigheid, te dwing om die beweging se oogmerke aktief te ondersteun om politieke verandering te weeg te bring. As dee! van die strategie om deur intimidasie mense tot deelname aan massa-aksies soos optogte, betogings en massa-vergaderings te dwing, het die ANC gebruik gemaak van bepaalde kultuur verskynsels en -komponente wat eie is aan die lewensbeskouinge en lewenswyse van Bantoe-sprekendes. Kultuurkomponente wat suksesvol benut is deur die leiers en lede van bevrydingsbewegings omvat, onder andere verskynsels soos kommunaliteit, groep solidariteit, die regspraak, liedere en danse. Hierdie kultuurkomponente en verskynsels is verander en aangepas om ten eerste eenheid en deelname te bewerkstellig en te verseker en uiteindelik om die hoofdoelwit van politieke bevryding te bereik. / Anthropology and Archaeology / M.A. (Anthropology)

INTIMIDATION AS A FACTOR IN THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE OF SOUTH AFRICA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO BELA BELA (WARMBATHS): AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE The cultural revitalisation or adjustment model of Anthony Wallace provides a basis for interpreting religious, political and other revitalisation movements. This study focuses on political revitalisation movements. Participation in the activities of revitalisation movements does not always occur voluntarily. Leaders of such movements apply techniques and methods of intimidation enforcing change and participation. In South Africa, political revitalisation was inter alia brought about by the ANC as political liberation movement who used methods of violent and non-violent intimidation to force people, regardless of their ethnic affiliation, to support the movement and enforce political change. The ANC inter alia used charactersitic cultural phenomena and components of Bantu-speakers as resources for intimidation to ensure unanimity, participation and ultimately to achieve political liberation. Cultural components that were exploited included communality, group solidarity, administration of justice, songs and dances. / INTIMIDASIE AS 'N FAKTOR IN DIE VRYHEIDSTRYD IN SUID-AFRIKA MET SPESIALE VERWYSING NA BELA BELA (WARMBAD): 'N ANTROPOLOGIESE PERSPEK.TIEF Kulturele vernuwmg ts 'n universele verskynsel. Anthony Wallace se model van kulturele vernuwing of -aanpassing bied 'n raamwerk vir die verduideliking en interpretasie van die fases waardeur kulturele vernuwingsbewegings van 'n godsdienstige, politieke of ander aard ontwikkel. In hierdie studie word daar uitsluitlik gefokus op vernuwingsbewegings van 'n politieke aard. Aangesien deelname aan die aktiwiteite van kulturele vernuwings- en aanpassingsbewegings nie noodwendig vrywillig geskied nie, het leiers van hierdie bewegings gebruik gemaak van tegnieke en metodes van intimidasie om deelname en vernuwing op die massas af te dwing. In SuidAfrika is politieke vernuwing onder andere teweeggebring deur die ANC as politieke bevrydingsbeweging. Die ANC het gebruik gemaak van gewelddadige (harde of direkte) sowel as nie-geweldadige (sagte of indirekte) intimidasie om mense, ongeag hulle etniese aanhorigheid, te dwing om die beweging se oogmerke aktief te ondersteun om politieke verandering te weeg te bring. As dee! van die strategie om deur intimidasie mense tot deelname aan massa-aksies soos optogte, betogings en massa-vergaderings te dwing, het die ANC gebruik gemaak van bepaalde kultuur verskynsels en -komponente wat eie is aan die lewensbeskouinge en lewenswyse van Bantoe-sprekendes. Kultuurkomponente wat suksesvol benut is deur die leiers en lede van bevrydingsbewegings omvat, onder andere verskynsels soos kommunaliteit, groep solidariteit, die regspraak, liedere en danse. Hierdie kultuurkomponente en verskynsels is verander en aangepas om ten eerste eenheid en deelname te bewerkstellig en te verseker en uiteindelik om die hoofdoelwit van politieke bevryding te bereik. / Anthropology and Archaeology / M.A. (Anthropology)