Inaug.-Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Universität zu Bonn, 1999. / Bibliogr. p. 352-358.

No description available.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Bonn, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

Disertation ``The work of poets from the group around Kamil Bednář{\crqq} deals with a group of writers, which formed between 1930s and 1940s around the mentioned poet, who was considered to be the spokesman of his generation, which was labelled as ``protectoral{\crqq}. The author will try to explain the historical background of this group`s work in the context of Czech literature of the 1940s. The author will also study the crisis of this group during World War II, its gradual decline in the post-war period and its definite end after the takeover in February in 1948. The author will be concerned only with those poets, and their poetic and theoretical work, who became involved in the discussion about the young generation and its poetry. The author will try to clarify the idea and the conception of {\clqq}naked human``, which implied, that it may be considered to be the program of young arrtists, or, at least, to be their mutual base. The author will mainly focus on three most interesting poets {--} Kamil Bednář, Hanuš Bonn and first of all, Jiří Orten. The author will take notice of the similarities, differences and also the existential phenomena, which are usually connected with the group around Kamil Bednář. Jiří Orten will appear to be the most tallented , the most inspirative and probably also the closest to philospophical existentialism. There are special chapters devoted to Jarní almanach básnický (Spring poetic almanac), which is a generational performance of young poets; Kritický měsíčník (Critical monthly) {--} a magazine, edited by Václav Černý, which provided space for the poets around Kamil Bednář and Ohnice (White Charlock) , which was the last act of the fading group. The author will also mention briefly the penetration of existentialism to Bohemia.

<p>This dissertation explores the ‘socio-cultural dilemma’ facing international peacebuilders in war-torn societies through a case study of the post-conflict process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is done with the help of a typological approach of the grid-group Cultural Theory framework, which defines four social solidarities – or ideal type cultures – of individualism, egalitarianism, fatalism and hierarchy. A central argument in the thesis is that international intervention is culturally individualistic and/or egalitarian, thus socio-culturally unviable in war-torn societies, which are usually dominated by hierarchical and fatalist social solidarities.</p><p>This underlying socio-cultural conflict is used to trace the Bosnian post-war process, where the relationship between the managing international institution – the Office of the High Representative of the International Community – and the local nationalist elites repeatedly changed in response to the failure of international policies to produce the desired result, namely broad socio-cultural change in the local politics and society. Four different periods in the process are identified: 1) ’economic conditionality’, 2) ‘Bonn Powers’, 3) ‘the concept of ownership’ and 4) ‘Euro-Atlantic integration’. Each period is defined by different culturally biased policies, supported by corresponding social relations and strategic behaviours.</p><p>The individualistic and egalitarian biased approaches usually resulted in failures, as they were not viable in the local socio-cultural context. After adapting to the local context, new viable approaches produced results in specific policy areas, but at the cost of unwanted side-effects in the form of reinforcement of dominant social solidarities. The result was therefore contrary to the broad goal of the process, which was to transform the local political culture.</p><p>In other words, the defining and re-defining of the OHR’s role in the Bosnian process was a consequence of the dilemma of having to make an unsatisfactory choice: either to adapt to the way the political game is played in the Bosnian socio-cultural context in order to achieve effectiveness in the policy process, or to stay true to the peacebuilders’ own cultural biases and attempt to change the local socio-cultural accordingly. In essence, it is argued, this is the socio-cultural viability dilemma that is inherent in international peacebuilding.</p><p>In unveiling of the socio-cultural viability dilemma, the dissertation explores central problems in the Bosnian post-conflict process. It provides a credible explanation to a number of hitherto unexplained difficulties and paradoxes experienced in Bosnia. It concludes that the international intervention in this particular case was neither a success story nor a failure per se, but one which failed to properly address the dilemma of socio-cultural viability. The key conclusions regarding peacebuilding in general are that there should be a greater under¬¬standing of socio-cultural issues in peacebuilding in order to better manage the socio-cultural viability dilemma. Practically, this means that international peacebuilders need to adapt to local context and strive towards the goal of local ownership of the process. The aim should be to make the intervention as viable as possible, as quickly as possible, to boldly implement policies that promote changes in the local socio-cultural context, and to withdraw only after the necessary conditions for local ownership are in place.</p>

This dissertation explores the ‘socio-cultural dilemma’ facing international peacebuilders in war-torn societies through a case study of the post-conflict process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is done with the help of a typological approach of the grid-group Cultural Theory framework, which defines four social solidarities – or ideal type cultures – of individualism, egalitarianism, fatalism and hierarchy. A central argument in the thesis is that international intervention is culturally individualistic and/or egalitarian, thus socio-culturally unviable in war-torn societies, which are usually dominated by hierarchical and fatalist social solidarities. This underlying socio-cultural conflict is used to trace the Bosnian post-war process, where the relationship between the managing international institution – the Office of the High Representative of the International Community – and the local nationalist elites repeatedly changed in response to the failure of international policies to produce the desired result, namely broad socio-cultural change in the local politics and society. Four different periods in the process are identified: 1) ’economic conditionality’, 2) ‘Bonn Powers’, 3) ‘the concept of ownership’ and 4) ‘Euro-Atlantic integration’. Each period is defined by different culturally biased policies, supported by corresponding social relations and strategic behaviours. The individualistic and egalitarian biased approaches usually resulted in failures, as they were not viable in the local socio-cultural context. After adapting to the local context, new viable approaches produced results in specific policy areas, but at the cost of unwanted side-effects in the form of reinforcement of dominant social solidarities. The result was therefore contrary to the broad goal of the process, which was to transform the local political culture. In other words, the defining and re-defining of the OHR’s role in the Bosnian process was a consequence of the dilemma of having to make an unsatisfactory choice: either to adapt to the way the political game is played in the Bosnian socio-cultural context in order to achieve effectiveness in the policy process, or to stay true to the peacebuilders’ own cultural biases and attempt to change the local socio-cultural accordingly. In essence, it is argued, this is the socio-cultural viability dilemma that is inherent in international peacebuilding. In unveiling of the socio-cultural viability dilemma, the dissertation explores central problems in the Bosnian post-conflict process. It provides a credible explanation to a number of hitherto unexplained difficulties and paradoxes experienced in Bosnia. It concludes that the international intervention in this particular case was neither a success story nor a failure per se, but one which failed to properly address the dilemma of socio-cultural viability. The key conclusions regarding peacebuilding in general are that there should be a greater under¬¬standing of socio-cultural issues in peacebuilding in order to better manage the socio-cultural viability dilemma. Practically, this means that international peacebuilders need to adapt to local context and strive towards the goal of local ownership of the process. The aim should be to make the intervention as viable as possible, as quickly as possible, to boldly implement policies that promote changes in the local socio-cultural context, and to withdraw only after the necessary conditions for local ownership are in place.

Was können wir unter &amp;quot;demokratischem Bauen&amp;quot; verstehen? Für den Parlamentsbau in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wird in Broschüren und Publikationen, in Faltblättern und auf Internetseiten von der &amp;quot;Demokratie als Bauherr&amp;quot;, von Offenheit, Transparenz und &amp;quot;demokratischem Bauen&amp;quot; berichtet. Ob als Architekt oder Architekturkritiker, Politiker oder Bürger, Zeitungsleser oder Architekturinteressierter - wir begegnen einem allgemein benutzten Sprachvokabular. Die vorliegende Arbeit, die von der Technischen Universität Dresden als Dissertation angenommen wurde, untersucht den seit der Gründung der Bundesrepublik entstandenen Diskurs um &amp;quot;demokratisches Bauen&amp;quot;. Anhand von Beispielen, beginnend mit dem Bundeshaus in Bonn von Hans Schwippert über den neuen Plenarbereich von Behnisch &amp;amp; Partner bis hin zu jüngeren Landtagsprojekten wird der Diskurs kritisch rekonstruiert. Mit den einbezogenen Erfahrungen der Nutzer im Umgang mit dem Gebäude des Sächsischen Landtags tritt die Diskussion um &amp;quot;angemessene Architektur&amp;quot; in den Mittelpunkt. Dadurch wird die Interpretation von Architektur durch Architekten, Architekturkritiker oder Bauherren in einem &amp;quot;professionellen&amp;quot; Diskurs erstmals konsequent um das Architektur-Erleben erweitert. Die Arbeit zeigt, wie Gebrauchserfahrungen empirisch erschlossen werden können und mit der Perspektive der Wohnerfahrung das Verständnis von der Bedeutung der Architektur bereichert wird. - (Die Dissertation ist veröffentlicht im Shaker Verlag GmbH, Postfach 101818, 52018 Aachen, Deutschland, http://www.shaker.de, Dresden, ISBN:978-3-8322-7301-9)

Suite à la réunification de son territoire en 1990, l'Allemagne fédérale décide de transférer son Parlement et son gouvernement de Bonn, où ils se trouvaient depuis 1949, à Berlin. Ce déplacement du pouvoir donne l'occasion d'interroger les dynamiques urbaines et territoriales en relation avec la fonction de capitale d'Etat. Cette dernière se développe dans les réseaux urbains avec des logiques particulières, qui font intervenir la mémoire, le symbole et la représentation du pouvoir. Etre capitale signifie en même temps abriter une fonction urbaine qui induit des emplois, des réseaux particuliers et un rayonnement important dans l'Etat même comme hors des frontières nationales. Cette recherche a choisi de s'intéresser plus particulièrement aux quartiers du pouvoir. Ces derniers sont en effet porteurs de structures propres au fonctionnement quotidien de la politique, de l'administration, et des secteurs qui leur sont attachés comme la diplomatie, la presse ou le lobbying. Les structures internes de ces centres du pouvoir trahissent non seulement des choix d'aménagement mais aussi une conception du rôle de l'Etat ainsi que l'histoire nationale. Le déplacement du parlement et du gouvernement de Bonn à Berlin, en Allemagne, permet d'explorer ces problématiques avec différentes échelles de temps et d'espace. Berlin reçoit de Bonn une structure spatiale élaborée dans une culture démocratique et hérite d'un tissu urbain très marqué par les centres du pouvoir développés sous l'Empire, la période nazie ou celle de la RDA. Les territoires du politique dans la capitale allemande deviennent donc un laboratoire révélant le comportement de la fonction politique à toutes les échelles, de la rue au niveau mondial.

Univ., Diss.--Bonn, 2005. / Literaturverz. S. [395] - 407.

Univ., Diss. u.d.T.: Eisermann, Daniel: Zwischen Außenpolitik und Wirtschaft--Bonn, 1995. / Literaturangaben.