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No. of bitstreams: 1 leonardodocenapina.pdf: 2428663 bytes, checksum: 4e7982351075f73b988e2b98637a0723 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-08 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O estudo investiga a relação entre “responsabilidade social” e educação escolar, a fim de esclarecer por que a classe empresarial tem atribuído tanta importância à educação pública e, ainda, quais as implicações de suas iniciativas para a política educacional. Sabe-se que, desde os anos 1990, as ações dos empresários “socialmente responsáveis”, na educação escolar, se apresentam como promotoras do “bem-comum”. Além disso, as proposições da classe empresarial, não raramente, são visualizadas como solução dos problemas educacionais contemporâneos. Sendo assim, faz-se necessário descobrir o que esse fenômeno revela para além de suas formas aparentes. Com efeito, o questionamento orientador desta pesquisa sintetiza-se da seguinte forma: o que as organizações empresariais têm proposto para a educação escolar e quais os desdobramentos de suas concepções/ações para a política educacional? O objetivo do estudo é analisar as iniciativas de “responsabilidade social” na educação escolar. Busca-se captar os fundamentos das ações desenvolvidas pelos empresários “socialmente responsáveis” e identificar seus desdobramentos na política educacional desde 1994 até 2014. Adotamos o materialismo histórico como perspectiva epistemológica. A investigação analisou documentos oficiais da política de educação básica e produções sobre educação de quatro organizações empresariais: Grupo de Institutos Fundações e Empresas (GIFE), Instituto Ethos de Empresas e Responsabilidade Social (IE), Fundação Itaú Social (FIS) e Fundação Lemann (FL). O estudo comprova que o desenvolvimento da ideologia da responsabilidade social impactou na organização da classe empresarial na luta pela hegemonia no campo da formação humana durante a transformação do Brasil em plataforma de valorização financeira internacional. Nesse contexto, GIFE e IE, aparelhos formuladores da ideologia da responsabilidade social, desenvolveram os difusores de uma nova cultura, ao transformar os organismos da classe empresarial em aparelhos privados de hegemonia, preparados nos planos técnico e ético-político, para dirigir a contrarreforma na educação escolar. O estudo revela que FIS e FL atuaram como aparelhos difusores da ideologia da responsabilidade social, expressando as orientações de GIFE e IE para o trato da “questão social” no contexto de desenvolvimento do neoliberalismo da terceira via no país. Embora se apresentem imediatamente aos nossos olhos como ações de melhoria da “qualidade” da educação pública, as iniciativas de “responsabilidade social” analisadas buscam introduzir a política educacional no processo de contrarreforma, almejando a redução dos gastos públicos com serviços sociais e o controle do trabalho educativo desenvolvido nas escolas públicas. Apoiando-se na apropriação privada do saber erudito, as organizações analisadas propõem uma formação centrada nas ideologias da empregabilidade e do capital humano e social. Dentre os fundamentos defendidos pela classe empresarial para regular os gastos públicos e o acesso dos trabalhadores ao saber sistematizado se destacam a privatização, a divisão técnica do trabalho na escola, a responsabilização pelo desempenho dos estudantes nas avaliações externas e o patamar minimalista de formação, princípios que já estão sendo incorporados pela política educacional no país. / The present study investigates the relation between “social responsibility” and school education in order to clarify why the business class has been assigned so much importance to the public schooling and, beyond that, which of the implications of their initiatives for the educational politics. It is known that since 90’s the “social responsible” businessmen’s actions, in the school education, are presented as the “commonwealth” promoters. Beyond that, the proposals of the business class are rarely visualized as solution of the contemporary educational problems. Therefore, it is necessary to realize what this phenomenon reveals beyond their apparent forms. With effect, the guiding questioning of this research synthesizes the following way: what the business organizations have been proposed for the school education and what are the developments of their conceptions / actions for the educational policies? The goal of the study is to analyze the initiatives of “social responsibility” in the school education. We aim at collecting the fundamentals of the developed actions by the “social responsible” businessmen and identifying their developments in the educational policy since 1994 until 2014. We adopted the historical materialism as an epistemological perspective. The investigation analyzed official documents of the elementary educational policy and productions about education of four business organizations: Group of Institutes, Foundations and Enterprises (GIFE), Engineers in Technical and Humanitarian Opportunities of Service (IE), Itaú Social Foundation (FIS) and Lemann Foundation (FL). The study proves that the ideological development of the social responsibility impacted on the organization of the business class in the struggle for hegemony in the field of human formation during the transformation of Brazil in a platform of international financial valuing. In this context, GIFE and IE, policymakers of the social responsibility ideology developed the diffusers of a new culture when transforming the organisms of the business class into private apparatus of hegemony, prepared in the technical and ethical-political plans, to guide the counter-reformation in the schooling education. The study reveals that FIS and FL acted as diffusers apparatus of the social responsibility ideology, expressing the guidelines of GIFE e IE for the tract of the “social issue” in the context of the development of the neoliberalism of the third via in the country. Although they present themselves immediately to our eyes as improvement actions of the “quality” of public education, the initiatives of analyzed “social responsibility” aims at introducing the educational policy in the process of counter-reformation, aiming the reduction of the public spending with social services and the control of the educative work developed in the public schools. Upholding in the private appropriation of the erudite knowledge, the analyzed organizations proposed for a centered formation in the ideologies of employability and the human and social capital. Among the fundamentals defended by the business class to regulate the public spending and the access of the workers to the systematic knowledge where can be highlighted the privatization, the technical division of the work in the school, the accountability for the school performance in the exams should show the minimalist level of formation, principals that are already being incorporated by the educational policy in the country.

The South African businessman, Brand Pretorius, was born in the rural Orange Free State town of Steynsrus in 1953. Pretorius rose to prominence in the motor industry in South Africa and he retired in 2011 as Chairman of McCarthy Motor Holdings Limited the largest motor retailer in South Africa. Pretorius was selected for this psychobiographical study by means of purposive sampling, given his extraordinary business achievements. Pretorius is publicly recognised as one of South Africa’s most successful businessmen and leaders. Psychobiographical research typically takes into consideration the entire life of an individual with the aim of uncovering the story of an individual’s life through the lens of a particular theory. The aim of this study was to explore and describe the leadership development of Brand Pretorius juxtaposed against the model of authentic leadership proposed by Avolio and Luthans (2003). The life history of Brand Pretorius was studied using a qualitative single-case study design. The psychobiographical research method allowed the single-case to be studied spanning his entire career. Data was collected from both primary and secondary sources. Conceptual matrices were used to organise and integrate the findings against the model of authentic leadership. The use of multiple data sources increased the validity and reliability of the research process and findings. To ensure ethical integrity the researcher obtained informed consent from Pretorius. The findings of this research study indicate that Pretorius was able to successfully display the authentic leadership dimensions of self-awareness, internalised moral perspective, balanced processing, relational transparency and positive psychological capacities throughout the course of his career.

This study is an examination of the hypothesis that selected contemporary American novels offer vivid illustrations of modern problems and practices of management as seen in business and industry. Too often, university management courses treat management processes as isolated cases in limited and static settings. Novelists, on the other hand, treat these same processes in a broader context and often deal quite subtly and perceptively with everything from the mammoth corporation to the single proprietorship. Students proposing to become businessmen, therefore, should benefit from this novelistic perspective so frequently overlooked.

Pendant huit ans [de 2000 à 2008], on nous a dit et répété que tout ce que l’administration Bush a prétendu et fait [de la lutte contre « l’axe du mal » à la campagne anti-terroriste internationale, et de la guerre préemptive ou préventive à la « démocratisation » du Moyen-Orient par tous les moyens…etc.,] trouve sa source dans l’idéologie morale des néoconservateurs qui cherchent à « rendre le monde meilleur », et à « moraliser » la vie politique nationale et internationale, notamment par une rénovation des valeurs [conservatrices] américaines et par un engagement plus actif vis-à-vis des problèmes internationaux.Mais à la lumière des constats que nous avons été amenés à faire lors de notre investigation, il devient clair que : contrairement à ce qui est largement répandu, ce n’est ni l’idéologie morale des néoconservateurs ni le bloc religieux et messianique allié du Président Bush qui guident son action au Moyen-Orient et ailleurs, mais l’économie. En effet, les clés de la politique Bush au Moyen-Orient ne sont idéologiques qu’en apparence. En réalité, elles sont à découvrir dans les intérêts économiques et financiers que cette administration a cherché à défendre, à protéger, et à acquérir. Ces clés sont à trouver dans l’argent des contributions qui financent les campagnes électorales. Elles sont également celles du grand Capital, de l’Amérique des corporations industrielles et financières, des multinationales, des lobbies et autres groupes de pression qui dominent la vie politique aux Etats-Unis et influencent sa politique au Moyen-Orient jusqu’à la colorer de leurs propres couleurs. / For eight years [from 2000 through 2008], we were told repeatedly that what the Bush administration did and claimed [from the fight against the “axis of evil” to the campaign against international terrorism, and from the pre-emptive or preventive war to the “democratization” of the Middle East by any means, etc.], has its roots in the Neoconservative moral ideology seeking to “make the world better”, and “moralize” national and international politics, including a renewal of [conservative] American values and more an active commitment towards international issues. But in the light of the findings that we have been led to from our investigation, it becomes clear that contrary to what is widespread, it is neither moral ideology of the Neoconservatives nor the religious and messianic bloc allied to President Bush that guided his actions in the Middle East and elsewhere, but the economy. Indeed, the keys to the Bush policy in the ! Middle East are ideological only in appearance. In fact, they are to be discovered in the economic and financial interests that the administration has sought to defend, protect and acquire. These keys are to be found in money contributions that finance political campaigns. They are also those of big business, the American industrial and financial corporations, multinationals, lobbies and other pressure groups that dominate political life in the United States and the influence they exert on the Middle East policy.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender a atuação de um grupo de empresários no processo de industrialização e modernização da cidade de Rio Grande, no início do século XX. O período de análise vai de 1884, quando a Fábrica Rheingantz se transforma em sociedade por ações , até 1913 , momento que precede a Primeira Guerra Mundial, quando movimentos políticos e econômicos alterariam profundamente as relações produtivas no país. A pesquisa apoia-se nos métodos prosopográfico e indutivo de análise, para os quais foi construído um banco de dados em linguagem de programação SQL. Como fontes de dados usa-se uma série de documentos corporativos , inventários e testamentos , entre outras . São explorados critérios como relações de parentesco e financeiras e as próprias conexões entre um conjunto grande de empresas locais . O trabalho surge da necessidade de se demonstrar os elos existentes entre um conjunto variado de empreendimentos (assistenciais , industriais , comerciais e financeiros ) e as trajetórias de vida dos sujeitos envolvidos nesses processos. / The purpose of this study is to understand how a group of businessmen acted in the industrialization and modernization of the city of Rio Grande, Brazil, in the early twentieth century. The period analyzed goes from 1884, when Fábrica Rheingantz becomes a limited partnership per shares (partnership in commendam per shares), until 1913, right before World War I, when political and economic movements cause deep changes in Brazil's productive relations. An SQL database was constructed to support the use of prosopography and the inductive method of analysis in the study. The primary data sources were corporate documents, probate proceedings and wills, among others. The study analyzes criteria such as family ties, financial relationships and the very connections among a large set of local companies to better understand the ties between a diverse group of enterprises (in the welfare, manufacturing, commerce and finance sectors) and the life stories of the subjects involved in these processes.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender a atuação de um grupo de empresários no processo de industrialização e modernização da cidade de Rio Grande, no início do século XX. O período de análise vai de 1884, quando a Fábrica Rheingantz se transforma em sociedade por ações , até 1913 , momento que precede a Primeira Guerra Mundial, quando movimentos políticos e econômicos alterariam profundamente as relações produtivas no país. A pesquisa apoia-se nos métodos prosopográfico e indutivo de análise, para os quais foi construído um banco de dados em linguagem de programação SQL. Como fontes de dados usa-se uma série de documentos corporativos , inventários e testamentos , entre outras . São explorados critérios como relações de parentesco e financeiras e as próprias conexões entre um conjunto grande de empresas locais . O trabalho surge da necessidade de se demonstrar os elos existentes entre um conjunto variado de empreendimentos (assistenciais , industriais , comerciais e financeiros ) e as trajetórias de vida dos sujeitos envolvidos nesses processos. / The purpose of this study is to understand how a group of businessmen acted in the industrialization and modernization of the city of Rio Grande, Brazil, in the early twentieth century. The period analyzed goes from 1884, when Fábrica Rheingantz becomes a limited partnership per shares (partnership in commendam per shares), until 1913, right before World War I, when political and economic movements cause deep changes in Brazil's productive relations. An SQL database was constructed to support the use of prosopography and the inductive method of analysis in the study. The primary data sources were corporate documents, probate proceedings and wills, among others. The study analyzes criteria such as family ties, financial relationships and the very connections among a large set of local companies to better understand the ties between a diverse group of enterprises (in the welfare, manufacturing, commerce and finance sectors) and the life stories of the subjects involved in these processes.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender a atuação de um grupo de empresários no processo de industrialização e modernização da cidade de Rio Grande, no início do século XX. O período de análise vai de 1884, quando a Fábrica Rheingantz se transforma em sociedade por ações , até 1913 , momento que precede a Primeira Guerra Mundial, quando movimentos políticos e econômicos alterariam profundamente as relações produtivas no país. A pesquisa apoia-se nos métodos prosopográfico e indutivo de análise, para os quais foi construído um banco de dados em linguagem de programação SQL. Como fontes de dados usa-se uma série de documentos corporativos , inventários e testamentos , entre outras . São explorados critérios como relações de parentesco e financeiras e as próprias conexões entre um conjunto grande de empresas locais . O trabalho surge da necessidade de se demonstrar os elos existentes entre um conjunto variado de empreendimentos (assistenciais , industriais , comerciais e financeiros ) e as trajetórias de vida dos sujeitos envolvidos nesses processos. / The purpose of this study is to understand how a group of businessmen acted in the industrialization and modernization of the city of Rio Grande, Brazil, in the early twentieth century. The period analyzed goes from 1884, when Fábrica Rheingantz becomes a limited partnership per shares (partnership in commendam per shares), until 1913, right before World War I, when political and economic movements cause deep changes in Brazil's productive relations. An SQL database was constructed to support the use of prosopography and the inductive method of analysis in the study. The primary data sources were corporate documents, probate proceedings and wills, among others. The study analyzes criteria such as family ties, financial relationships and the very connections among a large set of local companies to better understand the ties between a diverse group of enterprises (in the welfare, manufacturing, commerce and finance sectors) and the life stories of the subjects involved in these processes.

This study traces the public life of Stephen Dorsey chronologically from his service in the Civil War to the end of his political career, which came with his failure to have a friend appointed governor of New Mexico Territory in 1889. Traditional interpretations of Dorsey are based on a combination of scant evidence, carpetbagger stereotypes, and the assumption that he was guilty of masterminding the monumental swindle of the Star Route Frauds. Closer examination of Dorsey's public life, however, reveals that this traditional view is distorted. A major conclusion of this study is that the assumption on which most traditional views of Dorsey are based, that he was the mastermind behind the Star Route Frauds, is not supported by the evidence. This study shows that it is impossible to study a Gilded Age political figure without also considering his business interests. Many of Dorsey's political activities, for example his involvement in the Compromise of 1877, can be traced to his business enterprises. Although Dorsey was not entirely innocent in the frauds, he was not guilty of the crimes with which the government charged him. This study also concludes that Dorsey was left vulnerable to the prosecution which ended his career in national politics by the peculiarly personal nature of the Republican party in the Gilded Age. That personal control had contributed to Dorsey's rise to power in the Republican party; it also led to his destruction.

Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Ferreira de Carvalho / Resumo: Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar a trajetória da política de informática brasileira no final do século XX. O estudo identifica os atores centrais no processo de tomada de decisão e explora as razões da ascensão e queda da indústria nacional de computadores. O objetivo cen-tral é entender os fatores que levaram à crise e à mudança no caminho da informática brasilei-ra através do enfoque sobre o papel dos segmentos financeiros no final da década de 1980. Através da reconstrução histórica, o estudo correlaciona três grandes eixos analíticos: (i) res-trições estruturais da economia mundial; (ii) dinâmica política interna em relação às pressões internacionais; e (iii) implicações políticas geradas pela redefinição das preferências do setor financeiro nacional no setor de informática. Em conclusão, foram apresentados os resultados do processo para o posicionamento do Brasil na economia mundial no limiar do século XXI. / Abstract: This dissertation aims to analyze the trajectory of Brazilian informatics policy during the late twentieth century. The study identifies central actors in the decision making process and explores the reasons for the rise and fall of the national computer industry. The central objective is to understand the factors that led to the crisis and the change in the Brazilian informatics path by focusing on the role of financial entrepreneurs in the late 1980s. Through historical reconstruction, the study correlates three major analytical axes: (i) structural constraints of the world economy; (ii) domestic political dynamics towards international pressures; and (iii) the political implications generated by the redefinition of national financial sector preferences in the informatics sector. In conclusion, the results for the positioning of Brazil in the world economy at the threshold of the 21st century were presented. / Resumen: Esta tesis objetiva analizar la trayectoria de la política de informática brasileña a finales del siglo XX. El estudio identifica a los actores centrales en el proceso de toma de decisiones y explora las razones del auge y la caída de la industria nacional de la computación. El objetivo central es comprender los factores que llevaron a la crisis y el cambio en el camino de la informática brasileña centrándose en el papel de los empresarios financieros a fines de los años ochenta. A través de la reconstrucción histórica, el estudio correlaciona tres ejes analíticos principales: (i) limitaciones estructurales de la economía mundial; (ii) dinámica política doméstica hacia presiones internacionales; y (iii) las implicaciones políticas generadas por la redefinición de las preferencias del sector financiero nacional en el sector de informática. En conclusión, se presentaron los resultados del posicionamiento de Brasil en la economía mundial en el umbral del siglo XXI. / Mestre

在世界貿易組織（WTO）的架構之下，各國對於政府採購的行為逐漸多所重視，因政府機關兼具有公權力行使單位，而以不同之民事主體身分到市場上購買貨物、勞務等的採購行為，進而影響國家的財經政策，並隨著政府行政部門在國家活動中的加強作用，政府採購金額不斷的擴大，政府採購職能也由簡單的節約公共資金和提高公共資金使用效率，拓展到政府解決貧困、扶持弱勢產業甚至走出經濟的低潮等等。當國家利用政府採購功能解決前述問題，進而影響國際自由貿易，產生國際經濟往來時的自由貿易壁壘，政府採購就成了國際經濟貿易規則所欲約制的對象。 政府採購協定（GPA），是WTO架構下的複邊協定之一，我國在2009年加入後，開啟了政府採購制度的新頁，也使我國廠商得以進入其他會員國的政府採購市場。中國大陸自2001年加入WTO時，就承諾加入的原則及立場，迄今尚未入會。 中國大陸實施政府採購法之前，對於政府採購規範的相關資料甚少，然中國大陸依其政治經濟的影響力，不論是掌有各經濟體之各國外債，或者國家之間所簽署的投資合作協議，甚至各國家、各經濟體都渴望中國大陸政府出手投資或挹注資金以解決其國內經濟問題的情況之下，中國大陸透過GPA尋拓商機的需要，與各國覬覦中國大陸的政府採購市場，在競爭當中產生有趣的博奕現象。 本文從兩岸相關政府採購制度沿革、政治經濟的發展過程、加入政府採購協定的相關資料，探討政府採購執行及台商參與中國大陸政府採購所發生的問題。 / Within the framework of the World Trade Organization (WTO), countries are paying more attention to the government procurement. The government agencies, despite being public authority bodies, act as civil subjects as well while purchasing merchandise and services in the market, hence the government procurement can affect a country's financial policy. Moreover, as the executive departments dominate national activities and the procurement amounts grow constantly, the functions of government procurement extend from saving public funds and improving their efficiency to addressing poverty, supporting declining industries and even overcoming the economic downturn, etc.. As long as the government procurement are used to solve the mentioned problems, and consequently trade barriers are set on free trade in terms of international economic exchange, government procurement become an object of international trade regulations. Government Procurement Agreement (GPA) is a plurilateral agreement under the framework of the WTO. Taiwan's accession to the GPA in 2009 not only turned a new page on our government procurement system, but also entitled our suppliers to enter the government procurement market of other Member States. On the other hand, the PRC is not yet a GPA member state, despite its policy and commitment to join since the accession to the WTO in 2001. Little information is available on government procurement specifications before the implementation of government procurement law in the PRC. Nevertheless, the PRC has great political and economic influence with its investment in the foreign debts of other economies, the investment cooperation agreements it signed with other countries and the fact that many economies are expecting its investment or capital injection to help them out of the domestic economic difficulties. It is under this circumstances that China wants to expand business opportunities through the GPA while other countries are eagerly eyeing the Chinese government procurement market. Their competition forms an interesting game phenomenon. In this dissertation I compile relevant information to compare the cross-strait government procurement system evolution, their political and economic development process and their accession to the Government Procurement Agreement. I also have interviews with government procurement officials from both sides of the strait, participating suppliers and Taiwanese businessmen in order to study the issues that occur when government procurement projects are implemented and when Taiwanese businessmen get involved with the PRC government procurement.