v anglickém jazyce: Thesis abstract: Background and aims: Both obesity and metabolic syndrome form severe health problems in the whole world. Nevertheless the armament of pharmacotherapy for both diseases remains unsatisfactory. We aimed our work to main organs in risk of the mentioned diseases -liver and visceral fat using hepatocytes and visceral adipocytes as model. We detected 3 main metabolic and signalization activities- glycogenolysis, Nitric oxide (NO) production and transcription of inducible NO synthase (iNOS) in hepatocytes, lipolysis, NO production and iNOS transcription rate in adipocytes. We directed our interest to combination of peroxisome proliferation activator receptor γ (PPARγ) agonist, antagonist and β3 adrenergic agonist in the culture of epididymal rat adipocytes in the first part of our work. While in the second part we investigated the influence of β and α adrenergic mimetics, adrenergic blockers in the culture of rat high glycogen content hepatocytes. Methods: NO production was detected under the active agents treatments by detection of NO oxidative products NO2 and NO3 in media. Glycogenolysis was measured as free glucose rise released by hepatocytes into the media. NOS transcription level was extrapolated after comparative polymerase chain reaction with reverse...

The thesis Uncharged-charged – new energy for the customs house building deals with a project of a community and cultural centre with an accommodation that reflects specific needs of the rural region on the borders. The core is a conversion of unused historical customs house building near the Hevlín–Laa an der Thaya border crossing to an attractive place serving especially the locals as a supportive environment for their activities. It also brings a new cultural options to the region. The layout adjusts the building to its new function and supports some of the qualities of the current state. There is a new building added as an accommodation for the tourists (especially cyclists and canoeists) travelling at the international cycle tracks or the river Dyje, which cross the location. Also there is a newly designed orchard/campsite surrounding the buildings serving for the accomodation as well.

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Synuclein, Parkinson's disease, network activity, neuron, tau protein, neurodegeneration, connectivity, cAMP,

For whom do we draw buildings? Why does contemporary architecture look the way it does?Why are certain aesthetics considered more valid than others? With this project, I propose Dirty Geometry: norm-bending design that could challenge conventions within the field of architecture. It is an investigation of concepts such as ugliness, beauty, architecture and the human body, interiority, femininity and ”bad taste”. The purpose is to, with the aid of parametric design processes, make Stockholm less boring and more dirty. Dirty Geometry is both the creative process sprung from one’s personal desires, and the resulting design. It aims to celebrate the weird, playful and colorful in an empowering way. This thesis project draws a lot of inspiration from camp aesthetics and drag culture, because of the way humour is used in a subversive way to question gender identities, power structures and norms.

В настоящем диссертационном исследовании дается определение этнокультурного языкового лагеря и описываются особенности его организации на территории Уральского Федерального округа. Обучение диалогической речи подростков в условиях этнокультурного языкового лагеря осуществляется с помощью комплекса авторских упражнений по темам «Kennenlernen», «Gesundheit» и «Berufe». Выделяется четыре способа обучения диалогу, среди которых с использованием онлайн-сервисов. Упражнения апробируются в группе подростков из 10 человек с уровнем владения языком А1. Эффективность 34 разработанных упражнений определяется в конце лагерной смены на среднем и высоком уровнях сформированности навыка диалогической речи участников экспериментальной группы. / The thesis defines the ethno-cultural language camp and describes the special features of its organisation on the territory of the Ural Federal Region. Teaching dialogical speech of teenagers in an ethno-cultural language camp is carried out with the help of the author's set of exercises on the themes "Kennenlernen", "Gesundheit", and "Berufe". Four ways of teaching dialogue are distinguished, among them using online services. The exercises are tested with a group of 10 teenagers with German language level A1. The effectiveness of the 34 developed exercises is determined at the end of the camp session at the intermediate and high levels of the participants' dialogical skills in the experimental group.

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If Italy officially administrates Libya in 1912, it does not succeed in submitting the whole population. The coming to power of B. Mussolini in 1922 has the country enter in a new colonial era. Firmly decided to dominate the Libyan territory, he wages violent campaigns in the north-west region (Tripolitania) and in the south-west (Fezzan). In 1929, he engages the country in a new campaign to submit the last region in resistance: Cyrenaica. Unable to subdue the resistance despite a brutal policy, the Italians decide in 1930 to create concentration camps to confine tens of thousands of the inhabitants of the region (submitted or in resistance) and to succeed in establishing its power. The thesis falls within the post-colonial history movement and resorts to a transimperial approach in order to analyse the French gaze (by which we understand the state’s institutions and public opinion) on those camps. In those years of high tensions in the North African region, but also of European and Franco-French preoccupations, what was the French discourse on the violent colonial policy of the rival Italian power? The French civilizational ideology of the 1930s, and its own concentrational past, are not the only ways to understand the press and state silences. France’s interest is also in maintaining cordial relations with Italy, and in the weakening, if not, the annihilation of its old Saharan enemy: the Sanusiyya. The mystic brotherhood to which the majority of the interned are affiliated, embodies a common enemy for the two empires. Moreover, the migrations that ensue from the implementation of the concentration camps are profitable, even if concerning, for the French colonial power. The press and state archives therefore allow for very few spaces of denunciation and only in the context of the instrumentalization of the Italian policy to the benefit of France. / Si l’Italie prend officiellement la tête de l’administration libyenne en 1912, elle ne parvient pas en réalité à soumettre l’intégralité de la population. L’arrivée au pouvoir de B. Mussolini en 1922 fait entrer l’empire italien dans une nouvelle ère coloniale. Bien décidé à maîtriser le territoire libyen, il engage des campagnes violentes dans les régions du nord-ouest (Tripolitaine) et du sud-ouest (Fezzan). C’est alors qu’en 1929, il engage le pays dans une campagne destinée à soumettre la dernière région encore en résistance : la Cyrénaïque. Incapables de soumettre la résistance malgré une politique violente, les Italiens décident en 1930 de mettre en place des camps de concentration afin d’y entasser les milliers d’habitants de la région (soumis ou résistants) et de parvenir à asseoir leur pouvoir. Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’inscrit dans l’histoire postcoloniale et souhaite analyser dans une approche transimpériale, le regard que les Français - entendus comme les autorités et l’opinion publique - ont pu porter sur l’entreprise concentrationnaire. Dans ces années de fortes tensions franco-italiennes dans la région nord-africaine, mais également de préoccupations à l’échelle européenne ou purement franco-française, quel a été le discours de l’Empire français, à l’égard de la politique coloniale violente de la puissance coloniale rivale italienne ? L’idéologie civilisatrice de la France des années 1930, et son propre passé concentrationnaire ne sont pas les seuls facteurs d’explication du silence des autorités et de la presse. La France trouve en effet son intérêt à maintenir des relations cordiales avec l’Italie, et à l’affaiblissement, voire, à l’anéantissement de sa vieille ennemie saharienne, la Sanusiyya. La confrérie mystique à laquelle sont affiliés une large majorité des nomades et semi nomades internés dans les camps, incarne un ennemi commun des deux empires coloniaux. Par ailleurs, les migrations qu’induisent la mise en place des camps sont profitables, bien qu’alarmantes, pour les pouvoirs publics. Les archives de presse et d’État laissent donc une maigre place à la dénonciation qui n’intervient souvent que dans le cadre d’une instrumentalisation au profit de l’Empire français.

This dissertation examines the contestations over the politics of knowledge, risk, and environmental justice in three fenceline sites. Mobilizing the fenceline standpoint to study risk strengthens our objective understanding of the social situatedness of risk. To illustrate how a fenceline standpoint contributes to stronger objectivity of risk contestations, I survey public discourse of coal slurry extraction in Black Mesa, Arizona using an environmental justice framework. Discursive justifications for the construction of the slurry pipeline reveal how environmental injustice in the fenceline community emerged through urban controversies over water and power generation that excluded a fenceline standpoint. Insights from Black Mesa frame the next two cases: open burning hazardous waste at Radford Army Ammunition Plant, and M6 Disposal at Camp Minden, Louisiana. At Radford, scholar-activist research examines the contestations of risk at one of the most hazardous waste facilities in the nation. I analyze the construction of risk from open burning of hazardous waste from a fenceline standpoint. I discursively situate the controversy over fenceline community risk from open burning, by showing the inadequacies of official risk assessments. Critical discourse analysis of risk shows the extant contestations over the practice of open burning. In juxtaposition to Radford, the Camp Minden open burn controversy demonstrates how a fenceline movement successfully constructed alternatives to open burning. Fenceline success in Minden is forcing scrutiny over the risks produced by the practice of open burning explosives across the United States. The activation of fenceline knowledge and expertise, through grassroots organizing, is propelling inquiry from scientific and technical experts of the American Chemical Society who are questioning why the Department of Defense and the Environmental Protection Agency have approved the use of open burning at other sites despite safer alternative technology. Synthetically, each case illustrates the importance of fenceline knowledge as a crucial site of expertise. I present an argument for how a fenceline standpoint can challenge regulatory and producer constructions of fenceline risk. The creation of a program of research: Critical Risk Analysis, offers a model for scholar-activist intervention on the fenceline. The Camp Minden Dialogue demonstrates a successful example of how fenceline expert-activists can influence the construction of risk. Normatively, I build the argument that environmental justice research within Science and Technology Studies ought to situate the fenceline standpoint as equal to the competing epistemological claims of production and regulatory experts in order to strengthen the objectivity of our research in contested fenceline sites. / Ph. D.