Direct marketing is going to strengthen its position among the other marketing tools. It enables to address the defined target group quickly, personally, effectively and to get immediate feedback. In the practical part of the thesis I delineated the creation process of campaign and analyzed three examples of different types of campaign. I would mainly recommend focusing on identification of key moments in client's (financial) life and contacting him with relevant offer.

Direct presidential election is a new phenomenon in Czech Republic which brought a challenge for political marketing. There was no previous experience with presidential campaigns and therefore there were a number of expectations how the candidates are going to carry out the campaigns. The thesis focuses on the election campaigns of individual candidates for Czech president in 2013. On a basis of the theoretical framework is an ambition of the thesis to analyze and compare the campaigns and subsequently to evaluate whether they have played an important role in the election, influenced voters' decisions and election results

本研究以2014年台北市長選舉，連勝文陣營為個案，探討其電視競選廣告的產製策略。首先根據外在環境因素與內在組織因素，將選戰劃分為三個時期，再分別探討連勝文陣營在這三個時期的競選傳播策略，以及組織動力，如何影響電視競選廣告的產製。研究方法為深度訪談法與參與觀察法。 研究結果顯示，由於連勝文陣營缺乏競選傳播策略，無法產製有效文宣，在選戰早期就該形塑的候選人定位也始終不明。選戰中遭遇危機，無法適時調整策略，競選廣告沒有扣連明確功能，而成為創意的試驗場，甚至造成反效果。 若從組織動力的角度切入，連勝文陣營競選傳播策略不明的問題，與遲遲無法建立領導核心有關。競選陣營的決策機制，往往是多元與效率的拉鋸，但為了因應瞬息萬變的選戰情勢，必要時應以效率為先，只是在組織與內規建立時，也應設下內控機制。 / This research focuses on Sean Lien camp’s strategy on the production of televised campaign communication during the 2014 Taipei city Mayoral election. First, the campaign can be divided into three phrases in terms of external factor and internal factor. This research will further look into the campaign communication strategy, and how televised campaign communication of Lien camp’s organization during the three phrases. The research methods are in-depth interview and observation in person. The research results show that Lien camp lacks campaign communication strategy, so Lien camp cannot produce effective campaign ads during his campaign. Lien camp fails to identify what kind of the candidate will play if elected, and also cannot adjust its campaign strategy to cope with urgent situation. Lien camp’s campaign communication cannot effectively promote candidate, but just to become the experiment of imagination and leads to counter-effect to the campaign. Judging from Lien camp’s organization, Lien camp fails to establish a clear leadership which is related to ineffectiveness of campaign communication. Decision-making mechanism of campaign headquarters is the tug-of-war between diversity and effectiveness. Sometimes, campaign headquarters must set effective measures as top priority in order to deal with changing campaign situation. However, internal control mechanism must be built while the establishment of organization of campaign headquarters and internal rules.

Die vorliegende Arbeit stellt das jüngste Element der Wahlkampfkommu¬nikation in den Mittelpunkt: das Internet. In den USA spielte das sogenannte E-Campaigning bei den Präsidentschaftswahlen erstmals im Jahr 2000 eine wichtige Rolle. Bereits 2002 fasste es auch in Deutschland bei Bundestags¬wahlen zum ersten Mal Fuß. Um sich diesem Untersuchungsgegenstand der politi¬schen Kommunikation systematisch zu nähern, wird anhand des US-amerikanischen Vorbilds ein eigener Ansatz – eine sogenannte Nullmessung – entwickelt. Diese wurde dann anlässlich des Bundestagswahlkampfes 2002 anhand der Internet-Wahlkampfaktivitäten der im Bundestag vertretenen Parteien durchgeführt und im Wahlkampf 2005 ergänzt. Vergleicht man die Untersuchungsergebnisse mit den Zielen, die damals von den Parteien nach eigenen Angaben mit ihren Onlinekampagnen verfolgt wurden, zeigt sich, dass die Internetauftritte den öffentlich von den Kampagnenmanagern artikulierten Ansprüchen, nicht gerecht wurden. Die Chance, die für den Wahlsieg wichtige Gruppe der Wechselwähler gezielt anzusprechen, wurde beispielsweise nicht hinreichend genutzt. Die Analyse zeigt, dass das aus den Betrachtungen der US-amerikanischen Kampagnen bekannte Online-Instrumentarium häufig nur kopiert und dann auch nicht zielgerichtet und konsequent genug eingesetzt wurde. An den Internetkampagnen der deutschen Parteien ist ebenfalls zu erkennen, dass sie bei der Übernahme US-amerikanischer Internetformate keine Rücksicht auf die unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Randbedingungen beider Länder genommen haben, die sich beispielsweise bei der Bereitschaft zur Unterstützung politischer Kampagnen aus¬wirken. Das Internet ist als eigenständiges Kampagneninstrument in den Dimensionen „Darstellung“, „Aktivierung“ und „Steuerung“ nicht erkennbar. Die Arbeit zeigt auf, dass im Internet gerade für eine spezifisch deutsche Wahlkampfführung noch ein erhebliches strategisches Potenzial liegt, welches 2002 und 2005 nicht genutzt wurde. / This paper focuses on the latest element in electronic election campaign communication: the Internet. In the USA, e-campaigning first played a major role during presidential elections in the year 2000. By 2002 it had already begun to gain ground at Germany’s federal elections. In order to examine this aspect of political communication systematically, a dedicated approach known as baseline measurement was developed on the basis of the US American example. It was then applied to the Internet election campaign activities of the parties represented in Germany’s parliament during the 2002 federal election campaign, and then supplemented to include the 2005 campaign. If we compare the results of the study with the objectives which the parties said they were pursuing in their online campaigns, we see that those online campaigns did not fulfil the aspirations articulated publicly by campaign managers. For example, the opportunity to address swing voters, who are crucial to election victory, was inadequately utilised. Analysis reveals that the online instruments familiar to observers of US American campaigns were often simply copied and then not applied consistently enough or with sufficient attention to aims. The Internet campaigns run by German parties also indicated that when adopting US American Internet formats, they ignored the social differences between the two countries that affect things like people’s willingness to support political campaigns. The Internet was not recognisable as an independent campaign instrument used in the dimensions of Portrayal, Activation or Control. This paper shows that the Internet still harbours considerable strategic potential for specifically German election campaign management – potential which was not utilised in 2002 or 2005.

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