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This dissertation examines the survival and expansion strategies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by focusing on its organization and mobilization activities during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945). I argue that the Communist forces quickly expanded during the wartime not merely because the War provided an opportunity to avoid the Guomingdang (GMD)’s intensive military aggression and legitimately expand itself throughout China. More importantly, it also allowed the CCP to develop a unique political culture with a grasp on local knowledge during the years under investigation. This cultural climate worked to rejuvenate itself through organizational consolidation and the rebuilding of political identity. Together, these factors accounted for the dramatic expansion of the CCP’s membership and military forces, which prepared the Party for its takeover of the country after the Japanese surrender. The main body of this dissertation is composed of five thematic chapters. Chapter two explores the CCP’s penetration into local society through mass resistance associations and political renovation of existing power structures. Chapter three investigates Communist propaganda activities, the success of which laid in coordination with the Party’s follow-up organizational arrangements. The next chapter examines the Communist educational institutions as a channel of mass mobilization that further reinforced its penetration into various social groups. Chapter five uses Grain Tax, conscription and mobilization of anti-pacification campaign, all of which required personal sacrifice from the masses, as three instances that exemplified the Party’s controllability over local communities. Finally, chapter six focuses on its strategies to contain undesirable tendencies of local cadres and strengthen ideological consensus within the Party. / text

Citizens around the world are using the Internet to connect with an international community, speak out against governmental injustices, and dissolve informational barriers. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP), a regime known for its strict control and harsh repression, is faced with the challenge of balancing an appropriate amount of civilian freedom on the Internet while still maintaining its monopolistic power. How does a one-party system successfully maintain control over the flow of information and sustain its unchallenged control of citizens in an increasingly-liberalized world? The Party’s answer to this question is a finely-tuned Internet censorship strategy, which this paper seeks to investigate.

Thesis (M.S.W.)--University of Hong Kong, 1986.

No description available.

Falun Gong protesters, the bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, the spy plane incident and a series of mine accidents are just some of the events over the past decade that involved the Internet. In each incident the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was caught off guard by the circumvention of informational flows as a consequence of the Internet. This is in some ways indicative of the impact the medium is having on the ability of the CCP to manage political discourse within the confines of the country. This thesis examines the way that political discourse in contemporary China is managed in response to the development of the Internet, using the concepts of time and space as conceived by Harold A. Innis. This historical study considers the strategies used in the management of time and space in the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) across a broad range of ways in which the medium is used by particular groups, such as online gamers, bloggers, hackers, and activists. I have also looked at the way information flows are managed during a crisis or disaster using critical textual analysis of Internet sources, and specific examples. These sources are both official and unofficial including Chinese government sites, journalistic sources both Chinese and Western and Chinese legal databases that appear on the World Wide Web (WWW). The study finds that there is an emerging shift from propaganda based media manipulation and suppression to a style of stage managed spin. The CCP have used three strategies to contain and maintain their hold over central power, including the rule of law, investment in the development of content and technological means. The development of the Internet in China is marked by a dialect of desire for the technology for economic purposes and the perceived need to control the technology for political purposes. The Internet has also enabled the central government in Beijing to reassert its position as a central authority over local and provincial governments. This study contributes to the existing knowledge about Chinese media policy and the Internet, and will shed light on the ways in which the tehcnology influences the production and consumption of media and the impact that the development of this medium has upon media policy in China. Furthermore, this study will contribute to a greater understanding of CCP's ability to manage information and the impact that this medium will have on the operations of Chinese politics within the space of the Internet, as well as the impact of the technology on politics, and China's interaction with the international community.

一九九六年一月廿日，尼克森在他的總統就職演說中，即已宣稱：「在經 歷一段衝突敵對的時期之後，我們正進入一個談判的紀元。」而台海兩岸 在目前日益頻繁交流的互動關係下，基於雙方逐漸發展出的共識和整個國 際後冷戰大環境，「談判」必然是雙方樂於作為採取處理事務的方式。但 中共長期以馬列主義為宗師，其「國家」目標、思維邏輯和行為方式，自 然與一般民主國家作風顯有不同。因此，必事先剖析中共一貫的談判，才 能在談判過程中，掌握有利的主導地位。香港與台灣是完全不同的政治實 體，中共對待雙方的政策也不盡相同，但對中共而言，能經由和平談判手 段達到實現中國領土統一的目標，乃其最高利益和價值所在。因此，筆者 以中共與英國談判香港領土主權問題為研究主題，從香港問題的由來，我 國、中共及英國的處理態度，以至中（共）英雙方的談判接觸，完成簽訂 一九八四年《聯合聲明》的過程為止，從中整理論析中共的談判本質、一 般作風及在香港問題個案上的談判策 以期對中共的談判行為有一深入的 了解。如果我方與中共進行相關談判工作之前，能先仔細研究中共與英國 談判香港前途的經驗，相信將有助於我方的因應作為。本文內容十萬字， 註釋及圖表約二萬字，共分為七章。第一章導言。第二章為中共談判的概 說。第三章敘述香港問題的由來。第四章探討論析影響中共處理香港問題 的四大因素。第五章是中共與英國談判香港問題的經過，迄完成《聯合聲 明》為止。第六章係運用「結構法」和「歷史研究法」，研析中共的談判 策略，為本文重點所在。第七章結論。筆者在研究過程中，對中共唯物辯 証法的談判策略和統戰手法、堅持「國家」主權的強硬立埸、「一國兩制 」的策略性政治理論、高恣態「你有求於我」的談判身段，均留下深刻印 象。台海兩岸多次事務性談判以來，中共頑固的主權觀念和另有企圖的談 判動機，阻礙了雙方更進一步的交流，這些事實經驗都可在中共與英國談 判香港問題過程中，找到例證。談判技術策略是中立的，每個人都可使用 。在兩岸談判中，雖有優弱勢之分，但如能多加一些「誠信」和「互動」 的共識，相信談判的結果，是能達到「雙贏」的期望，對整個中華民族前 途是有益的。

一九七九年中共「十一屆三中全會」確定了「鄧小平路線」, 由於對外來 資金與技術的需求, 間接影響其世界觀與對外政策; 在馬列毛思維體系中 本就是趨從於政治的法律, 也產生了變化。條約法是國際法的一個專門領 域, 也是國際法學中發展較為完善的一門。中共自認為一九七九年 (尤其 是八○年) 之後, 應以發展「有中國特色的條約法學」為重心; 據其所 稱, 這是一種馬克思主義、列寧主義、毛澤東思想及「新中國」實踐的總 合。儘管「有中國特色的條約法學」具有濃厚的宣傳意味, 但一九七九年 之後, 中共關於條約法的理論、研究與官方行為, 確實有極大的轉變 : 制定詳細的條約締結程序法、派遣國際法學家參與國際法院法官的選舉參 與相關的條約法公約的制定、出版條約法專書、他與西方國家締結條約數 目大增、降低條約法的鬥爭性......等等。除上所述, 本論文也從國際條 約法的角度, 觀察、分析中共在「香港問題」上所產生的種種問題, 並藉 以究討台海兩岸間協議的性質、效力。

This thesis explores one particular facet of contemporary state-society relationship in China, i.e. state-student relationship. By arguing against the popular observation that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) retreated from Chinese universities as a way of winning students’ support, this thesis claims that the party-state has adopted a “bird cage” strategy in post-Tiananmen university governance. That is to say, the party-state has not only re-established and strengthened its control institutions in universities, but at same time expanded its zone of tolerance and created new outlets for students’ political enthusiasm and participation. A four-city, seven-university field survey was conducted, the result of which supports the view that the CCP’s post-Tiananmen governance strategy has been effective. Respondents agree that party’s governing institutions are resilient and play important roles in students’ life. They also seem to be in agreement with, at least as the survey results indicate, important political ideas promoted by the party-state.

This thesis explores one particular facet of contemporary state-society relationship in China, i.e. state-student relationship. By arguing against the popular observation that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) retreated from Chinese universities as a way of winning students’ support, this thesis claims that the party-state has adopted a “bird cage” strategy in post-Tiananmen university governance. That is to say, the party-state has not only re-established and strengthened its control institutions in universities, but at same time expanded its zone of tolerance and created new outlets for students’ political enthusiasm and participation. A four-city, seven-university field survey was conducted, the result of which supports the view that the CCP’s post-Tiananmen governance strategy has been effective. Respondents agree that party’s governing institutions are resilient and play important roles in students’ life. They also seem to be in agreement with, at least as the survey results indicate, important political ideas promoted by the party-state.